“… the United Nations, the African Union, and IGAD are jointly issuing this unambiguous warning to all potential spoilers: non-compliance with or active obstruction of the Road Map for ending the Transition in Somalia will be referred to IGAD Council of Ministers with our recommendation for immediate imposition of specific measures and restrictions. Moreover requests for further sanctions against spoilers may simultaneously be referred to the United Nations Monitoring on Somalia and Eritrea in order to open an investigation under the terms of the UN Security Council Resolution 1844 (2008).”

What is the Road Map (RM) for Ending the Transition in Somalia? Does the RM has any legitimacy with Somali people? Who are the Spoilers? Is the authority of the SR, AUSR and IGADF divine such that it cannot be challenged by the Somali people whose political fate is to be determined by the RM if the SR has his way? This essay probes these questions.

The Road Map

The engine driving the RM is an agreement in Kampala between the President of the Transitional Federal Government, the Former Speaker of the TFG Parliament, and a former Prime Minister in the summer of 2011. These three individuals were brought to Kampala, Uganda, under the auspices of President Museveni of Uganda with the SR’s participation.

The purported purpose of the meeting was to reconcile the conflict between the three Somalis over the nature of the transitional period and distribution of political power among these three people during the remaining days of the transition which was supposed to end on August 2011.

Somalia’s transitional charter that governs the transition has been set aside by the SR in order for his group to have their way in determining Somalia’s future. Without any consultation with the Somali Parliament and the Somali people, the hosts forced the three TFG personalities to agree in Kampala. Since then the Kampala Accord has become the force behind the Road Map.

For all practical purposes the Kampala Accord has empowered the TFG President, the former Speaker of Parliament, the new Prime Minister, and several of their self-selected individuals to determine the way out of the transition. The SR, AUSR, and IGADF and their Somali clients manage this process which has completely shut out the Somali people and the TFG parliament.

The Road Map is currently structured to allow the TFG President, the PM and the former Speaker of parliament (the latter is still considered by the SR, IGAD, and the AU as Speaker although parliament removed him from that post several months ago) to pick the traditional leaders who are supposed to select members of the post-transition parliament, and the congress that will approve the UN drafted post-transition constitution. In other words, the SR, AUSR, and IGAD wish to enable the very TFG President, former speaker and the current PM who failed to deliver any results during their tenure to determine the future of the country as well allow them to reappoint themselves to power.

Given that there has been no open and sustained public debate and discussion about the terms of the RM means that the UN and a small group among the TFG are the sole owners of the Road Map. Reflecting the famous American liberation motto “no taxation without representation”, the Somali democratic movement’s response to the UN Road Map is “no legitimacy without autonomous Somali ownership and input”.

The spoilers

Who are the spoilers? Nelson Mandela was a “spoiler and a terrorist” in the eyes of apartheid governments and their allies. So were Gandhi and Ben Bella. In Somalia, the likes of Mandela were the members of the SYL and SNL during the Italian and British colonialism.

In a style reminiscent of colonial times, the SR, the AUSR, and IGADF consider the democratic movement, the new political parties, and the independent Muslim Ulema who are engaged in peaceful political activities as spoilers. These groups have carefully studied the UNDP drafted constitution and found it to be opposed to basic Somali and Islamic values. They have openly rejected the UN owned draft constitution without resorting to violence and have begin to mobilise the population.

Not only do these civilian groups find the constitution anti-Somali, but they view the entire RM which is supposed to lead to the post-transition political order utterly illegitimate. Somalia’s democratic and peace movement is challenging the authoritarian operation of the UN, the AU, and IGAD. It is this non-violent and unarmed movement that the UN and its partners dub as spoilers and threaten to punish. Apparently, the UN, AU, and IGAD consider good Somalis to be child-like on whose behalf they can act politically, or terrorists and spoilers who should be sanctioned and punished using AU/IGAD and UN instruments.

The history of liberation movements in Africa and elsewhere provide ample examples of democratic movements and liberation leaders who were vilified and persecuted by colonial and imperial powers. But the determination of the African people and their pursuit of justice and democracy ultimately prevailed.

It is ironic that the UN and AU which supported the liberation movements in those years are now acting as instruments of Somali subjugation. Further the UN has been vocal about the rights of people in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere in the Arab World, however, the UN considers the rights of the Somali people to peacefully mobilise themselves in order to determine their destiny to be a criminal affair that must be sanctioned and punished.

The use of threats by the SR, AUSR, and IGADF demonstrate how these institutions are used for undemocratic and unjust political ends. Such behaviour reinforces the established idea that the UN, AU, and IGAD do not have the Somali people’s interest at heart and that the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea is a partisan organisation set to subjugate independent Somalis who dare to stand up for their rights and those of their country.

Crime and punishment

The SR and his African counterparts at the AU and IGAD have presided over a political project in Somalia that has delivered nothing but failure and misery over the last decade and half.

About three years ago, the UN led international community concocted another TFG for Somalia which is now accepted by all parties to be frighteningly corrupt and incompetent. Most recently, the SR, AUSR, and IGADF were caught sleeping on the switch as tens of thousands of Somalis starved to death and millions were devastated by the famine; while the monitoring Group has been implicated in the production of the famine.

Given this record, it is reasonable to conclude that the SR, AUSR, and IGADF think of Somalia to be their colony rather than belonging to Somalis. Their latest effort to cower the Somali civic movement into submission is designed to install more incompetent and illegitimate political order that does not respect the dignity of the people and the integrity of the nation. This agenda is as audacious as any former colonial scheme and will destroy the Somali Republic if it is not stopped.

Finally, the only “crime” the Somali democratic movement has committed is to dare dream of freedom in the land of its birth. By demonising the Somali democratic movement as spoilers, that must be punished, the United Nations and the African Union are behaving like the autocrats in the Arab World which the Arab Uprising is trying to flush out of political power. They can try to impose an apartheid-like political order on the Somali people because AMISOM which is not accountable to the population and funded by the United States and Europe controls Mogadishu.

The hope was that AMISOM, as African brothers, will defeat al-Shabaab and give the Somali people a chance to rebuild their country, but that hope has been dashed as the UN and the AU try to suffocate Somalis’ democratic aspirations. Fortunately the Somali democratic movement will endure the latest humiliation and shall prevail sooner or later as they seek freedom, justice, and democracy in their own home.

________________________
Abdi Ismail Samatar is Professor of Geography at the University of Minnesota and Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria, South Africa.

Shariif, Faroole ayuu kula heshiiyay Garowe si xaqdaro ah oo caddaaladana ka fog, Xilka ma waxaa loo haya in shacabka lagu celiyo dagaal sokeeye mise in shacabka laga saaro dhibka uu hada ku jiro?? Shariif waxaa uu umada Somali u horseeday cadaalo daro iyo in uu u kala eexdo umada Somali, haddii aay cadaaladi jirto Shariif ma uusan ogaaladeen heshiiska aanan waafaqsaneeyn dastuurka axdiga ku meelgaarka ah iyo shareecada Islaamka.

Heshiiskii aay wada gaareen Puntland iyo dowlada dhexe ee Somalia waa cadaala daro aad iyo aad u weeyn, xaqiiqdii lama ogolaan karo in hal Qabiil aay dowlada dhexe kula heshiiso qodobo Somalida inteeda kale ku ah dulmi iyo caddaalo daro umada somali,Somalidna ku ah mid aayan iskula jaan qaadi karin xaga caddaalada iyo sinaanta, labadii xaqdaro ku heshiisa xaqay ku diriraan waa taa manta xaqii feeraha ka soo dilaacay Faroolene uu diidan yahay dastuurkii qabyo qoraalka ee Garowe lagu dhameeystiray markii uu ka waayay dahanaha shaqsiyadeed ee uu ka leeyahay Puntland.

Dastuurka qabyo qoraalka waa mid Somali hagardaamo iyo ceeb ku ah umad Islaamkana ka fogeeyneeysa xalaasha balse ku dumeeysa xaaraanta sida dhaqangalkiisa ka muuqato,bal ila fiiri akhristow xuduudaha Somaliya aay la leedahay dowladaha deriska kuma cada sida aay ugu cadeeyd dastuurkii 60 kii 4.5 waa xaaran, teeyda anaa leh, taadana kula lehi waa mid caddaalada ka fogaansho iyo sadbuursiga umada Somali dhaxdeeda runtiina aayan iskula jaan qaadi Karin in aay ku noqdaan hal qaran, C/weli waxaa uu u yeertay Islaam Bashiir halka Faroole Isamadiisa sida Suldaan Saciid Maxamed Garaase uu dib ugu noqdeen Garowe, waxaa muuqata in colaadi aay ka soo curaneeyso Puntland maadaama dagaalka uu ku wajahan yahay Faroole iyo C/weli Gaas, Faroole haddii uu dib u ogolaan waayo arimahada dastuurka waxaa hubaal ah in uu soo dedejinaayo colaada Puntland, hadafka Faroole waxaa uu ahaa nin jecleeystay hal sanno in uu ku darsado awooda madaxweeynimada Puntland iyada oo aay diidan yihiin Gaagaab iyo Cabdillaahi Siciid Samatar oo reer Qardho ah,labadaba isku sharxay madaxweeynanimada Puntland xiliga Faroole marka uu dhamaado, weli lama oga waxa aay ku dhamaan balse Faroole waxaa uu jeclyahay in hal dhagax ku dilo Shariif iyo C/weli, Gaagaab iyo Cabdillaahi Siciid Samatar, Shariif waxaas oo dhan ma arko, garashada siyaasada ka dhex ololsan reer Muduga ma garan balse waxaa uu ku mashquulsan yahay sidii uu maruun dib ugu fadhiisan lahaa kursiga madaxweeynimada.

Dr. Ali A. Hirabe Hirabe_a@hotmail.com

In a modern society where really important issues to be discussed often choose political parties to draw their own vision of how existence should look like. That explains why people are excluded or may not have their voices heard in their thought model does not conform to the mother party. Mass media with his childish conflict journalism cares little about the draft constitution opponent’s political platform without dealing most of his time to find headlines that will sell.

Draft constitution opponent is a platform for those draft constitution critics who want to change the debate in another direction out of the draft constitution.

It’s time to take responsibility for and care for caring for our country. I should now, with a paraphrase of my famous words, loud and clearly saying that societies that respect civil rights, while making their citizens to control their own destinies, is recognized throughout the world.

National economist (cilmiga dhaqaallaha siyaasadda)
Haji Awes, Abdikader
haji.awes@gmail.com

Sidaas darteed dadka ku dhololaya in ay yeeshaan dawlad daaquud ah waxaan uga digayaa in aanay ku toobad seegin dawladaas shaydaaniga ah.

DIIN

Diintu waa sharciga ay ummadi ku dhaqanto sidaasna wuxuu Alle noogu sheegay aayaddan 76aad suuradda An-Nisaa oo lagu sheegayo in diinta boqorku u ogolaatay in uu nebi Yuusuf walaalkiis reebto.

فَبَدَأَ بِأَوْعِيَتِهِمْ قَبْلَ وِعَاءِ أَخِيهِ ثُمَّ اسْتَخْرَجَهَا مِنْ وِعَاءِ أَخِيهِ كَذَلِكَ كِدْنَا لِيُوسُفَ مَا كَانَ لِيَأْخُذَ أَخَاهُ فِي دِينِ الْمَلِكِ إِلَّا أَنْ يَشَاءَ اللَّهُ نَرْفَعُ دَرَجَاتٍ مَنْ نَشَاءُ وَفَوْقَ كُلِّ ذِي عِلْمٍ عَلِيمٌ(76).

Aayaddani waxay ku saabsan tahay qisadii nebi Yuusuf markii uu saacii wax lagu beegi jiray uu ku dhex qariyey safarkii walaalkiis si uu ula hadho macnaha aayadduna waa sidatan:

Wuxuu baaritaanka walaakiisa ka hor mariyey walaalihiisii kale markaas ayuu ka soo dhex helay weelkii maqnaa alaabtii walaalkiis, sidaas ayaanu Yuusuf ugu suurto gelinay in uu walaalkiis kula hadho diinta boqorka, haddii uusan Alle sidaas wax ugu qorshaynna uma suurto gasheen Yuusuf in uu walaalkiis la hadho, waxaanu dallacsiinnaa cidda aannu doonno ruux kasta oo aqoon sheegta ruux kale ayaa ka sii aqoon dheer.

Waxaan aayaddan uga jeedaa in aan dadka u caddeeyo in diinta boqorku tahay sharcigii boqorka. Marka haddii maanta ummadda loo sameeyo dastuurka waxaa loo sameeyey diin cusub in dadku aqbalo diin aadami sameeyeyna aqoon darro mooyee si kale kuma dhici karto.

Marka Alle csw uu na lee yahay sida aayaddan ku cad diinta Alle agtiisa aqbalka ka ahi waa diinta Islaamka, kuwa horay kitaabka loo siiyey ma diidayaan ilaa uu cilimigu soo gaadho waxayna ka tahay is nacayb dhexdooda ah, haddaba ruuxii diida aayadaha Alle ha ogaado Alle xisaabkiisu waa mid dhaqso badan eh.

إِنَّ الدِّينَ عِنْدَ اللَّهِ الْإِسْلَامُ وَمَا اخْتَلَفَ الَّذِينَ أُوتُوا الْكِتَابَ إِلَّا مِنْ بَعْدِ مَا جَاءَهُمُ الْعِلْمُ بَغْيًا بَيْنَهُمْ وَمَنْ يَكْفُرْ بِآيَاتِ اللَّهِ فَإِنَّ اللَّهَ سَرِيعُ الْحِسَابِ(آل عمران 19).

Marka diinta Alle agtiisa aqbalka ka ahi waa diinta Islaamka waxaa loola jeedaa sharciga Alle agtiisa aqbalka ka ah ee ruuxii ku garsoortama uu abaal gudka Alle ugaga helayo dastuurka Islaamka. Dastuur kale oo dhammi waa gaalnimo iyo shirki in laga garsoortamana waa xaaraan.

Waxaan aad uga xumahay in ummaddii islaamka ahayd ee Soomaaliyeed ay gaalo u soo dejiso diin ay uga saaray diintii Islaamka ayna haddana ku yihiin raalli. Waxaa soo shaac baxday oo qof waliba u jeedaa in hadalkii Alle ee ahaa gaalo idinka raalli noqomaayaan ilaa ay diinta idinka saaraan. Runtii maanta ayay socotaa in Soomaali la gaaleeyo waxaanna u arkaa in ay culumo iyo caamaba raalli ku yihiin waayo culumadu kama hadasho arrinta dastuurka iyo xaaraanimadiisa, ka aamuskuna waa aqbal.

4. GUMAYSI.

Waxaan marna la is weydiin waxa gumaysigu yahay, waxaana la moodaa in uusan dadku aqoon u lahayn gumaysigu waxa uu yahay. Laakiin waxaan ku soo koobaya qeexitaankiisa in uu gumaysigu yahay dad xukuma kuna amar ku taagleeya dad kale. Muhiim ma aha cidda ay yihiin dadka wax xukumayaa haddii la dad yihiin kuwa ay xukumayaan iyo haddii ay ajnebi yihiinba waa gumaysi.

Haddii aan taariikhda dib ugu laabanno qabiilka Soomaaligu wuxuu ka mid yahay ummadaha adduunka ugu faca weyn, taariikhda qaddiimka ahina waxay sheegaysaa in uu jiray ilaa 2500 BC. Marka waxaan idin weydiinayaa gumaysigii reer galbeedka ka hor Soomaalidu sidee u noolayd? Ma dawlad dadka iyo dalka xukunta ayaa jirtay? Ugu horrayn ma jirin dawlad dadka iyo dalka xukunta, sidaas oo ay tahay waxaa jiray kala dambayn iyo amni. Wuxuu qofka Soomaaliga ahi safar u bixi jiray isaga oo aan wax sahay ah wadan waayo reer kasta oo uu u soo hoydo ayaa sooryeyn jiray mararka qaarkoodna neef ayaa dartiis loo qali jiray. Dadku wuxuu ku dhaqmi jiray shareecada uuna wax ku kala qaadan jiray laakiin xeerar dhaqameedayana waa jireen oo u dhexeeya qabaa’ilka. Dadkuna gumaysi uguma jirin dad kale haba yaraatee,

Iyada oo noloshaas xorta ah lagu jiro ayaa waxaa noo yimid gaalo is gumaysan jirtay oo lahayd boqorro ilaahnimo sheegta oo dadka sidii ay doonaan ka yeela. Waxaan aad uga xumahay in dhaqankaas xun ay na qaadsiiyeen. Markii uu gumaysigu dalka ka tegayeyna wuxuu noo dhisay dawlad Soomaali ah oo dadka gumaysata ama xukunta. Dawladdaas Soomaaliyeed waxay ula dhaqantay dadkii Soomaalida ahaa sidii uu ula dhaqmi jiray gumaysigii shisheeyaha ahaa. Si ay dadka ku sandulleeyaan ayay u samaysteen booliis, xabisyo iyo maxkamada ku sheegyo wada baadil ah. Waxaas oo dhammi waa awooddii dadka dullaynaysay si loo gumaysto.

Waxaa maanta loo jeedaa shacabka iyo dawladda oo mar kasta kala taagan oo aan siinnaba raalli uusan shacabka ka noqon karin dawladda. Markii ay dawladdu raalli gelin kari weydey ayay ku tallaabsataa handadaad iyo caga jugleyn iyo cabsi gelin, iyada oo dadka xorta ah xornimadooda ka qaadaysa oo xidh xidhaysa.

Dawladda wadaniyada ahi waxay samaysaa wixii uu gumaysigii shisheeyaha ahaa samayn jiray oo ah kala qaybi shacabka oo xukun.

Sidaas darteed gaaladu waxay si qaldan noogu macneeyeen waxa gumaysi yahay. Iyaga oo noogu sheegay in gumaysigu ahaa kii Yurubyanka ahaa laakiin waxay noo qariyeen in dawladda Soomaalida ah ee ay noo dhiseen ay lafteedu tahay gumasi dadban, loona baahan yahay in laga xoroobo.

Waxaan ku soo gunaanadayaa dawladdu shisheeye iyo sokeeye kii ay tahayba waa gumaysi, waana dhaqan xumo nooga timid reer galbeedka. Waxaan arkayaa maanta Koonfurta Soomaaliya Shariif Sh. Ahmed iyo saaxibadiis ay gumaysanayaan, Puntland oo koox uu hor boodayo Faroole gumaysanayo iyo Somaliland oo Siilaanyo iyo kooxdiisu gumaysanayaan, isuna qaba in ay xor yihiin. Dhowaanna u dabaal degayey maalintii ay xoroobeen. Waxaan idin lee yahay xor ma tihidin ee waxaad gumaysi ugu jirtaan dawladda kuwa idiin ah.

5. XORNIMO.

Haddaba yaa ah xor oo aan la guamaysanin? Qofkii ama ummaddii uusan dad aadami ahi ku amar ku taagleyneyn ayaa xor ah. Xukunka aadamigu sokeeye iyo shisheeyaba waa gumaysi xornimo ma aha. Xornimaduna waa xukunka Alle ama addoonimada Alle oo kaliya loo noqdo addoon. Wuxuu Alle nagu addoonsadaa isaga ayaa na abuuray wax kasta oo noloshu u baahan tahayna noo abuuray. Isaga ayaynu ku xidhan nahay la’aantiisna ma jiri karno sidaas darteed waa in aynu raalli ku noqonno in aynu u ahaanno addoommo. Hawada aynu neefsanno haddii uu naga joojiyo waynu wada dhimanaynaa, cunto la’aan ma noolaan karno, biyo la’aanna ma noolaan karno, sidaas ayaynu ugu qasba nahay in aynu Alle u ahaanno addoommo. Haddii uusan Alle intaas midna noo hayn lahayn uma ahaanneen addoomo ee ciddii kale ee intaas noo haysa ayaynu u noqon lahayn addoomo.

Marka maxay dawladdu noo haysaa oo aynu ugu noqonnaa addoomo, ka amar qaata. Sidaas darteed addoonimada Alle ayaa ah xornimada runta ah. Waxaan uga jeedaa ciddii uu Alle tooska u xukumo isagana ka amar qaadata ayaa xor ah.

Sidaas darteed wuxuu qofku ama ummadi xor tahay markii ay Alle u tahay addoomo oo ay ku dhaqanto sharcigiisa ama diintiisa, kuna nooshahay xukunkiisa.

Ummad aan shareecada Islaamka ku dhaqmini ma sheegan karto xornimo amni iyo kala dambaynna ma jiri karto Alle la’aantiis.

GUNAANAD:

Walaalayaal nolosha oo dhan ayaa qalad naloo garansiiyey waxaana sidaas yeelay gumaysigii shisheeyaha ahaa, marka ninkii shisheeyaha ahaa iyo kan Soomaaliga ah ee maanta dawladda kuu sheeganayaa maxay kuugu kala duwan yihiin mid waliba shacabka ayuu ku amar ku taagleeyaa. Wax ay kuu qaban karaan oo ay iyagu kuu hayaanna ma jirto oo noloshaado ku xidhan tahay.

Waxaa xaq u leh in uu wax xukumo waa Allaha csw ciddii kale ee isku dayday in ay kaalintii Alle buuxiso ma dhici karto in laga yeelaana waa xaaraan.

Xornimada iyo gobonimada ummaddu waxay ku jirtaa kitaabka Alle iyo sunnadii rasuulka ee gaws dambeedka ku qabsada gaalada doonaysa in ay diinta idinka saaraanna ka diida.

وَلَنْ تَرْضَى عَنْكَ الْيَهُودُ وَلَا النَّصَارَى حَتَّى تَتَّبِعَ مِلَّتَهُمْ قُلْ إِنَّ هُدَى اللَّهِ هُوَ الْهُدَى وَلَئِنِ اتَّبَعْتَ أَهْوَاءَهُمْ بَعْدَ الَّذِي جَاءَكَ مِنَ الْعِلْمِ مَا لَكَ مِنَ اللَّهِ مِنْ وَلِيٍّ وَلَا نَصِيرٍ(البقرة 120).

Yuhuud iyo Kiristaan in aad gaalawdo mooyee wax kale ma kaa yeelayaan raallina ma kaa noqonayaan ilaa aad ka gaalawdo, isu sheeg in jahaynta dhabta ahi tahay midda Alle sidaas darteed haddii aad ku raacdo gaalada hawadooda beenta ah iyada oo diin cad lagu soo gaadhsiiyey, ogow hadhow cid kaa celin kata Alle ma jirto eh.

G/le Sare Omer Suleiman Ali

One of the specific cases is the case of Suldaan Faqi S. Suldaan Faqi who was among the elders invited to the meeting (see the link http://horseedmedia.net/2012/05/06/liiska-magacyada-odayaasha-dhaqanka-ee-muqdisho-ku-shiraya/). Suldaan Faqi attended the opening ceremony on the first day of the meeting, but on the next day while in his room the chief of the Somali police (General Sharif Shekhuna Maye) has ordered him to leave at a gun point and replaced him with a bogus Suldaan who is the cousin of the General. The objective of his expulsion is merely based on the selection of the upcoming of the new MP’s for the Somali parliament in which there is a complete disagreement between Suldaan Faqi, and General Shekhuna. Suldaan Faqi believes that people with integrity and quality should be selected from a cross the Tunni clan, while the General (also from the same clan) disagrees and wants specific names to be the nominees.

During his retirement life (mid 1990’s-2011) in Sweden, General Shekhuna wrote a book with a pseudo name falsifying the history of the Sultanate of Tunni and that book with other bogus documents is now made available in every office of the TFG in Mogadishu by General Shekhuna.

The question now is what is the real story? Here are the facts tracing back to 1844 regarding the truth about the Tunni sultanate. From extracts of the Journal of Royal Geographical Society of London by Lieutenant W. Christopher, Commanding the H.C. Brig of War Tigris on the East Coast of Africa. The Lieutenant writes “in the evening of the 19th day I landed at the town (Brava) in an armed boat to call on the chief and deliver the letter of Imam Seid Seid of Zanzibar together with letters relative to the wreck of a bugalo having British property a board, which was very urgently wanted at Zanzibar”. “I was received in a warm friendly manner, to my surprise, and conducted to the best-looking house in the place by a Somali Chief named Hadji Awisa (who is the great grandfather of Suldaan Faqi) who carried in his hand a highly ornamented sword, which I was later informed, was sent to him by Seid Seid of Zanzibar” (Journal of Royal Geography Society of London, volume 14, 1844).

After the death of Suldaan Hadji Awisa, his son Suldaan Faqi bin Haji Awisa (see picture below) was sworn to the throne; he later died in 1949. On October 18, 1949 the representative of the Italian government who was at the time colonizing southern Somalia sent a letter of condolence to the family of the deceased Sultan (the letter written in Italian is included in this article).

After the death of Suldaan Faqi in October of 1949, his son Shegow Faqi bin Haji Awisa (no picture) became the Sultan of Tunni; he later passed away in 1986. From 1986 to 2007 his younger brother Suldan Omar Faqi bin Haji Awisa (see picture below) became the Suldaan of Tunni. Suldaan Omar Faqi Haji Awisa attended both the Arta and Nbegathi peace conference before his death in October, 2007 ((Attached is the letter of invitation from IGAD in 2003).

On January 18, 2008, Suldaan Faqi was selected as the Suldaan of Tunni after unanimous decision from the family including his two surviving uncles and the majority of the clan (see his ceremony http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gVHwcJnt1Sk)

These historical documentations prove that Suldaan Faqi S. Faqi is the genuine Suldaan of Tunni- Shangamas.

After all these evidence, the TFG is still hesitant to make any decision on this issue; though some prominent TFG leaders have privately questioned the legitimacy of the bogus Suldaan.

Over the past twenty years, there have been people who have lived in the government and individual properties. It was difficult for the past and present government to move these people out of their properties. Even the Wadaad had a difficult time convincing these people, but it was easy for Gashan, because of his talent with which he created an amazing play called, Dardaaran Waayeel, that he wrote with other composers. This well written play featuring impeccable performances conveyed a powerful message for these people. The play reached out to them and captured their hearts. After two weeks the people moved out in the government properties, which they have been residing in for over twenty years voluntarily. Was the play louder than the bombs? Perhaps it was.

Allah created us, but there are men and women who shape us. They shape our education, music, culture, and also fight for our liberty. These people are our heroes, therefore; we, Somalian should not forget nor neglect them. Ahmadey Abdi Gashan was in Madina Hospital for a several weeks with a catastrophic injury from the massacre that happened at the National Theater on April 4th, 2012.

He was not getting the proper medical attention and the, Somali government ignored him. The minister of health and the minister of information visited him when he was in Madina Hospital. They gave him smile, nothing else. The play was on the, Somali National Television, and the, Somali government enjoyed watching it, knowing Gashan at that time. Now the Somali government fails to provide proper medical care for Gashan, this is a pathetic behavior.

We Somalian have had a hard time for over twenty years, and still, we don’t have a clue of what is going wrong. Although each one of us has his or her polygon about what went wrong for the past twenty years, the solid polygon is that, we, Somalian have neglected our heroes. As, Somalian, we owe our heroes by consuming their products, but we don’t talk about them, support them, or even realize how important they are to us.

Most of us give priority to our tribes first. At this time move the tribes away and learn to care more about our heroes. Most, people are busy talking about whom the next president on August, 2012, will be, but we, Somalian, also need to know and recognize our heroes. The electronic Somali media flows wherever the wind blows. I would like to ask the media to hold their horses and give time to support, Ahamadey Abdi Gashan. Now is the time for action.

I would like to ask the, Hawalah to open a donation account on behalf of Gashan’s name, so it will be easier for everyone to donate funds.
Many people are running to become the next president of Somalia. Each one of them has his or her own particular interest. Please direct your political interests to our heroes if you have one.

I would wish for Ahmadey Abdi Gashab a quick recovery and ask each and every one of us to support him.

Ahamdey Abdi Gashan can be reach at 252615566031
Please click this link to know more about Ahmadey Abdi Gashan.

While the TFG welcomes constructive criticism and encourages discussions and debate on the proposed new political dispensation, blaming the International Community for our own mistakes serves no purpose. We must accept responsibility for our actions and be creative in finding solutions, recognising that these ultimately lie within us. It is time to seriously debate and discuss issues that matter to all the Somali people.

In this regard, it is instructive to note that it was the TFG who originally issued statement on the issue of spoilers and we are very grateful for the support from the International Community, such as UN, AU, IGAD and the US.

http://www.hiiraan.com/op4/2012/may/24036/un_threatens_the_somali_democratic_movement.aspx

I am sure most of Somalis are fully aware of what the Roadmap is and who the spoilers are but, for the benefit of the readers, please allow me to respond to the questions posed by the professor and to shed light on the issues he has raised.

The Roadmap

The Roadmap in question is the plan adopted in Mogadishu in September 2011 by representatives of various political entities within Somalia on how to move the country in the direction of peace, stability, and democratic governance. It lays the path to the inauguration of a new political dispensation and to ending the 12 year transition process.

The plan has four components or sets of priorities, namely: security; political outreach and reconciliation; the adoption of a provisional constitution; and good governance. Indeed, the very absence of such a comprehensive, detailed and strategic plan is one of the reasons that Somali politics have been held hostage to a seemingly endless series of transitional governments. It is plain that such a society cannot plan for a economically, politically and socially sustainable future.

Prime Minister Dr. Abdiweli Mohamed Ali accurately described the situation in his policy statement on the adoption of the Roadmap. “Since 2000, successive transitional governments have been presented with shopping lists of deliverables numbering close to 20, from security, peace, good governance, DDR, health care provision, the building of civil administrations on and on. The list was too long, too unfocused and too unrealistic for it to be built into workable benchmarks. Our strategy in consultation with other stakeholders was to streamline the deliverables into manageable and realistic goals and encapsulate them with complimentary policy directions matched by clear timelines through a concisely mapped out Road Map.’’

This therefore is the true significance of the Roadmap. It prioritizes all the many seemingly incoherent policy goals set out by previous administrations into key priority benchmarks that, taken together, will deliver a new political order.

As the Prime Minister stated: “Benchmarks 1, 3 and 4 are tasks that shall be engaged in for many years – we will continue to improve the security of the nation, engage in political outreach and reconciliation; and we will always work to improve the good governance of public institutions.

Benchmark 2 serves two purposes. One, the constitution making process will have significant legal and political arrangements and instruments designed to assist in ending the transition. Two, the constitution making process will lead to a provisional federal constitution which through dialogue and constitutional conferences will serve as a compliment to the reconciliations efforts of the TFG and our partners. Our key priorities are finalizing the draft constitution in order to provisionally ratify through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and to select members of the next parliament by end of June 2012.

Completing our constitutional process and convening our new parliament is how we will reach our new political dispensation and end the transition. Therefore, we must place even more emphasis and effort on this area – my government has been prioritizing these tasks.”

Contrary to the Professor’s assertion that Somalis “find the constitution anti-Somali, and view the entire Roadmap which is supposed to lead to the post-transition political order utterly illegitimate,” the National Consultative meeting held in Mogadishu on 4—6 September 2011 was historically the first time Somali stakeholders came together inside Somalia to discuss issues of importance to Somalia. This is proof of Somali leadership, ownership and unity from the very start.

Professor Samatar’s critique also ignores the fact that the Roadmap was endorsed by Somali civil society organisations in a conference in Mogadishu held from 26 to 28 November 2011 and in the Garowe II conference. These groups continue to contribute to the process.

Even following its adoption by the Constituent Assembly, the constitution will be a provisional one pending its adoption by the people in a referendum. However, it will provide the legal framework for the next administration to arrange for one as well as continue to consolidate the progress we have made in the peace process.

The Spoilers

The Transitional Federal Government has also been clear on who we consider to be spoilers. They are those attempting to obstruct the peace process and to put the prospect of future stability in Somalia into jeopardy. A spoiler is anyone who uses violence to perpetuate the status quo of statelessness or to return the country to the era of warlordism. However, anyone who engages in peaceful political activities, and who freely expresses his/her views, cannot be considered a spoiler.

People have every right to raise their concerns with the constitution provided that they are not using violence or mobilizing clans for their personal gains. The government invites the people to debate on the constitution; the government wants and seeks consultations and constructive criticism. After all, the constitution ultimately belongs to the people of Somalia and there is still scope in the current draft for any necessary amendments, corrections or alterations which would be of benefit to Somali society.

The urgent issues that we now need to tackle are the following:

Ending the transition by August 2012 so we will once again have a permanent government and can rejoin the community of nations. This cannot be achieved without an agreed constitution. So how can we use the remaining time constructively to ensure that the people have a say in making the necessary amendments to the constitution?
How do we differentiate genuine debates / discussions and those warlords who seek to frustrate the entire enterprise by mobilizing clan surrogates to defend their personal interests?
How can we bring about a new political dispensation that can bring a parliament that is leaner, competent, more legitimate and accountable to its people?
Every Somali should have a say in how these issues are addressed and, with patience, I believe every Somali will. The peace process, on which we have laboured for so long, is now bearing fruit. Mogadishu is now flourishing and showing a real sense of peace and hope. Never before have I seen the traffic jams of today on Makka Al-Mukarama Road. Businesses are reopening, buildings are going up everywhere, and the sense of hope within the Somali people is palpable. We continue to make tremendous progress in attaining the targets set out in the Roadmap. There is light at the end of the tunnel. We now have the opportunity to pool our efforts and to get Somalia out of the failed states list for once and all. Should we fail to do this, then blame shall be upon us — and only us.

I hope the above debates add to the discussions and I look forward to receiving your constructive feedback.

By Abdirahman Omar Osman (Eng. Yarisow) | engabdirahman@gmail.com, ayarisow@opm.gov.so

There is no justification for the ratification of the draft constitution at this juncture. Besides the controversial articles on human rights, citizenship, borders, religion, Mogadishu status, election of president and constitutional amendments, a review of the articles related to representation, structure and relations between various levels of government, and territory, illustrates further fatal flaws in the draft constitution.

President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed of TFG expressed publically his personal reservation on some articles of the Draft Constitution. But for self-preservation, he denounced other opponents for rejecting the draft constitution for the same reasons he held.

On May 4, 2012 Sheikh Mohamed Abdi Umal, a well-known Somali Islamic scholar, delivered a powerful speech about the unacceptability of the draft constitution. His critique centered among others on three defects: (1) the secrecy surrounding the constitution making process and the submission of the draft constitution to the traditional leaders and Constituent Assembly without prior broad based public consultation and scrutiny; (2) exclusion of the Somali Islamic scholars from the drafting and consultation process of the constitution; (3) the lack of opinion of trusted Somali constitutional experts on the text of the draft constitution.

On the same day, President Dr. Abdurahman Mohamed Farole of Puntland State come out forcefully against the draft constitution in a letter he sent to the key actors of the international community- UN, US, UK, AU, and IGAD- in the constitution making process of Somalia. Subsequently Puntland Administration submitted detailed amendments superseding the April draft constitution.

In asking an urgent meeting to be held in Addis Ababa or in Nairobi between the “roadmap stakeholders” renamed “Somali Principals,” with the participation of key actors, President Farole cited the following four reasons:

a. The Draft Constitution is not suitable for a war-torn fragmented country like Somalia. It is highly confusing, contradictory and based on centralized government system.

b. It does not distribute power, resources and competence in service delivery fairly between federal and state institutions.

c. The drafting process was not inclusive, participatory and transparent. There was no wider public consultation. TFG unilaterally appointed members of Independent Federal Constitution Commission (IFCC) and Committee of Experts (CoE).

d. The ability, expertise and representation of the members of the IFCC and CoE are unsatisfactory. The lack of participation of constitutional experts blemished the draft constitution.

For self-acquittal, he lashed out other opponents of the draft constitution for not seeing and reading the April draft constitution he have seen, read and disliked because the latter draft was only in the possession of the six roadmap stakeholders. He expressed his support for the final warning of AU, UN and IGAD for punitive actions against those labeled spoilers. This typifies classical hypocrisies marring the credibility of Somalia’s leaders.

In nutshell, statements a, c, and d summarize the main reasons for the popular objection to the draft constitution with regard to the legitimacy and integrity of the constitutional process and with regard to the substance. These flaws cannot be redressed in a meeting in Addis Ababa or Nairobi.

In separate note, the call of President Farole for a meeting in Addis Ababa or Nairobi shows the level of distrust among Somalis. Some of the guiding principles of Puntland leaders on the restoration of Somali State are: (1) The status of Mogadishu should remain undecided; (2) Regional States (Puntland State) and Federal Government are equals; (3) The Federal Constitution must conform to the Puntland Constitution which is adopted and permanent; (4) Issues of citizenship, land, and natural resource are matters of local responsibilities.

Chapter 6: Representation of the people:

In contrast to article 11(3) of TFC, the Draft Constitution does not mention the requirement for a national census before undertaking national or local elections or distribution of national resources.

Article 58 on international negotiations

Despite paragraph 3 of article 58 states that the federal government shall regard itself as a guardian of the interests of the regional states, paragraph 1 requires consultation with and participation of the regional states on the negotiations in connection with foreign trade, treaties or other major issues of international agreement.

Article (59) authorizes the federal government to pass laws setting a framework and guiding principles for local government. At the same time, Article 56 (g) and article 68 prescribe that disputes between federal government and regional states should be resolved on the basis of mediation, negotiation and the spirit of cooperation as two neighbors by establishing special committees or boards. Puntland argues for two levels of Government- Federal and State only, while the Draft Constitution prescribes three levels-Federal, State and Local Government.

In accordance with Article 66, the federal government cannot give directives to the Regional States for compliance with the constitutional provisions unless the House of Regional States passes a resolution on the subject.

Article 69 on state boundaries and article 70 on the creation of new state

Article 69 (3) establishes that state boundaries shall be based on the boundaries of the administrative regions as they existed mainly before the 1990 civil war. In accordance with article 69 (3) and article 11 (2) of the TFC, Puntland loses the legitimacy of a Regional State. Theoretically, Puntland comprises 5 regions but practically it has excluded part of Mudug region like South Galkaio, Hobyo and Harardere districts while it has annexed Buuhodle district which belongs to Togdheer region.

For the creation of new states, it is required the compliance with four conditions:

(1) A minimum of two regions joining together with their free will. This condition presumes the existence of a mechanism for the determination of the free will of the people before undertaking the creation of new state. In addition, regions can remain as regions not mentioned in the Constitution.

(2) The new state is not against the national interest; this national interest is not defined.

(3) The new state shall not jeopardize the national federal unity of the Somali republic.

(4) The new state must have the capacity to discharge the functions and responsibilities of a State within the federation, including the protection of the rights of all citizens with the state economic self-sufficiency and the delivery of basic services.

These conditions are stumbling block for the imposed creation of new regional states. It’s kind of vicious circle. Thus, the persistence of confusion and bickering is assured.

Article 71 Admission of new members to the Republic

This article 71 as article 172 reflects the presumption that the territory of the Federal Republic of Somalia falls between Mogadishu and Galkaio, while Puntland, Azania, Bay-Bakol-Lower Shabelle (South West State), and Somaliland will be additions to the federation in due course. As paragraph 1 of this article makes clear, Federal Somalia (Central-Mogadishu) will negotiate with other regions on their conditions and terms for joining the federation.

The nature of the presidency

Article 94 paragraph 1 says that in order to strengthen the unity of the nation the two houses of parliament shall endeavor to ensure that the office of the president is rotated between different groups in society.

Office of the Attorney General

As per article 128, only the House of Regional States selects one of the candidates proposed by the Judiciary Service Council as Attorney General and the president shall appoint that person without reference to parliament or to Council of Ministers.

Regional State Institutions

Under article 140, Regional State Constitutions will establish the legislative and executive bodies of the governments of the regional states. The state constitutions developed after the adoption of the draft constitution will be referred to the Constitutional Court for compatibility, while the federal constitution must conform to the existing regional constitution of Puntland.
No Federal Government can exist and function before all regional states with their constitutions, parliaments and council of ministers are established and the House of the Regional States is in place.

The outcome of the constitutional process which was murky and outside the public radar from the beginning is far from creating peace, stability, and development in Somalia. Given the immense complications for implementing the federal system in Somalia, one inevitable scenario could be that Somalis abandon the formation of national government representing Somalia and allow local states represent their people at all levels. However, National unitary Government with decentralized functional integrity and reliable checks and balances is the best option for all Somalis. The past should be a lesson for a bright future.

Mr. Mohamud M Uluso
Email: mohamuduluso@gmail.com

Waxaan ahay Mohamed Abdullahi Dhaaley, Muwaadin Soomaali ah oo ka mida dhalaankii 1989-kii. Waxaanna muddo 5-Sano ku dhaw ku shaqeeynayay Saxaafadda Soomaalida ee noocyada kala duwan leh.

Waxaan qoraa qormooyinka, maqaalada iyo warbixinada kale ee Saxaafadeed oo dhamaantood ka hadlaya arimaha bulshada. Anigoo waqti kasta u socdo oo dhaqaaqo inaan soo ogaado xaaladda ay ku suganyihiin dadka ku sugan gudaha dalka oo ah halka aan iminka joogo anigoo ka damqada dhibaato kasta oo dadka Soomaalida heysata.

Waxbarashada Aas-aasiga ah illaa dugsiga sare waxaan ku dhameeyay Soomaaliya illahayna wuxuu i gaarsiiyay illaa heer Jaaamacadeed.

Wali ma dhicin inaan qof Soomaaliyeed ku xumeeyo qoraaladeyda mudadda kusoo baxayay Shabakadaha wararka ee Soomaalida qof kale oo Soomaaliyeedna wali wax aanu ahayn oo wanaag ah uguma aanan sheegin qoraalkeyga.

Hadaba waxaan intaas oo warbixin ah isaga qorayaa inaan sii caddeeyo ka hor inta aanan gudaha u galin qormadeydan inay tahay mid aan ku salaysaneyn shaqsi weerar. Hadii xitaa qof shaqsi ah magaciisa aan kusoo qaato halkan waxaan cadeynayaa inaan xumaan gaar ahaaneed la damacsanayn qofkaasi ee aan doonaayo un inaan kusoo bandhigo hadba wixii aan u arkay inay dhibaato ku yihiin dadka iyo dalka Soomaaliyeed oo ah halka ay qormooyinkeyga ka duullaan kuna slaaysanyihiin ka hadalka danaha guud ee dadka ama dalku ay leeyihiin.

QORMADII:

Hadaba Soomaaliya oo burbur dowladeed iyo amni daro baahsan kusoo jirtay muddo 20-Sano ka badan ah ayaa waxaa waqtigaas intii lagu jiray ay dadkeedu barteen dhaqamo iyo waxyaabo aanay umadaha dunida kale ku dhiiran inay si fudud u sameeyaan. Waxaana dalka oo dhami uu noqday saldhigii Layaabka iyo xaruntii –amkaagga.

Wax kasta oo yaab iyo fajac xambaarsan waa lagu soo arkay Soomaaliya oo ma jiro layaab u dhiman umadda dagaaladda Sokeeye iyo dhiigga daadanaya ku dhex mushaaxaysay oo nolol maaleedka ka dhex raadinaysay dhismooyinka burbursan iyo madaafiicda isku dhaaf-dhaafaysa hawadda magaalooyinka Soomaaliya ee dagaaladu ay ka dhacayeen.

Rasaas lagu furay goob ay dad rayid ah ku suganyihiin!!! Boqolaal dad ah oo ku xoomay xafiisyo iyo dhismooyin dowladeed dabadeedna barqo cad xambaarsaday qalabyadii dadka loogu adeegayay ee halkaasi yiilay iyadoo wadooyinka magalaadduna ay dadku isku dhaaf-dhaafayaan oo cid la hadlaysa bililiqa doonkaasi aanay jirin!!! Hooyo caruur xambaarsan iyo mid Xaamilo ah oo kooxo hubeysan ay kufsadeen deetana si xun u dileen iyadoo dadkuna ay si toos ah falkaasi u arkayaan!!! Haweeney Jaariyad ah oo kasoo jeedda dadka aan hubeysnayn ee Soomaaliya oo qoyskii ay u adeegeysay inta dambi aan la hubin ku eedeeyeen dabadeedna si silac dil ah ku dileen oo waliba dab qabadsiiyeen ama birro iyo masaamiir yar yar jirkeeda ku garaaceen illaa ay ka dhimato!!! Intaas oo dhan iyo kasii badan waxay ahaayeen layaabkii naxdinta iyo amakaaga lahaa ee bulshada Soomaalidu ay usoo joogtay wixii ka dambeeyay markii dowladdii dhexe ay dhacday.

Waxaa soo xigay : Masaajid ay dad muslimiin ah ku dukanayeen oo ruux inta uu galay isku qarxiyay boqolaal dad ahna salfaday!!! Gaadiid ay rayid saarnaayeen oo Miino lagu qarxiyay dad badanna la laayay!!! Arday fara badan oo Soomaali ah oo xaflad qalin-jabin ah iyagoo dhiganaya lagu qarxiyay Hotel ka dibna dhiig fara badan oo rayid ah halkaa lagu daadiyay!!! QOf rayid ah oo lagu eedeeyay inuu Diinta ka baxay oo lagu gowracay meel Somalia ka mida meydkiisana lasoo dhigay waddooyinka qofkaasi oo aan laga hayn war aan ahayn inuu isagu Muslim yahay waxyaabaha lagu eedeynayana ay yihiin kuwo ku salaysan Siyaasadaha is diidan ee maanta ka jira Somalia!!! Nin Soomaaliyeed oo lagu tuhmay inuu jaasuus u yahay dowladda Soomaalida oo dhinacyada dowladda ka horjeeda oo Soomaali kale iyaguna ah ay Carabkii uu ku hadlayay kaga gooyeen gudaha Xamar!! Iyo kuwo kale oo badan oo iyaguna layaab iyo fajac ku noqday dadka Soomaaliyeed.

Intaas aan soo sheegay iyo kasii badan oo layaab ahba waa ay dhaceen. Waxa aan hadda soo waddo ee aan sheegayana intaaskamalayaab badnaanayaan. Balse dhagaha bani’aadamka ayaa u samaysan inay wax maqlaan oo maalin kasta waxay u dhag-taagayaan inay wax cusub oo ay ama layaabaan ama ku farxaan amaba ay ka naxaan ay maqlaan.

Waxaan layaabay maanta anigoo dhagaysanaya Raadiyaha inaan maqlay nin mas’uuliyad sheeganaya oo hadana aflagaaddo iyo waxyaabo khatar badan abuuraya u jeedinaya mas’uulkii isaga ka sareeyay oo madaxda uga ahaa hey’adda uu isagu ka tirsanyahay.

Wali aduunyada laguma sheegin sharciga caalamiga ah iyo dhaqanka toosan ee Siyaasaddu ay qabtana laguma arag in qof mas’uuliyad sheeganaya uu si cad oo dadka shacabka ahina maqlayaan uu u aflagaadeeyo mas’uul kale. Taasina waxaa kasii daran inaan abid la sheegin shaqaale madaxdiisa aflagaadeynaya ama hadallo halis badan xambaarsan u jeedinaya.

Afhayeenka maamulka gobalka Benadir waxaa lagu magacaabaa Maxamed Cabdullahi Cariig. Wuxuuna horay u ahaa Wariye ka tirsan Saxaafadda Soomaaliya intii aanu afhayeenka noqon ka hor.

Shalay ayuu ka hadlayay Raadiyaha Shabelle la yidhaa ee Muqdisho ku yaala isagoo ah qofka aan qormadan ka diyaariyay ee layaabka ay hadaladiisu igu beereen. Waxaanse kasii afeefanayaa inaanu shaqsigaasi ahayn qof aan aqoon gaar ah u leeyahay oo dagaal ama dhibaato inaga dhaxaysa aniga iyo asiga darteed aan qalinka u qaatay qormadan si aan wax ugu gaarsiiyo isaga iyo shaqsiyadiisa (XAASHAAYE WAYGA MAMNUUC INAAN XUMAAN KU BAAQAAYE).

Guddoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir ahna duqa Muqdisho, Maxamuud Axmed Nuur (Tarsan)
Mr Cariig oo hadlaya wuxuu sheegay in gudoomiyaha gobalka Benadir oo ah Maxamuud Axmed Nuur Tarsan uu maalin dhawayd telfoon kasoo wacay isaga isla markaana uu kula hadlay hadallo hanjabaad ah isagoo gudoomiyaha gobalku uu ka duulayo sida uu Cariig sheegay hamballiyo uu midka dambe waa afhayeenka gobalka Mr. Cariige uu u jeediyay Raadiyaha Shabelle markii maalin dhawayd uu u dabaal-dagayay sanad-guuradiisii 11-aad.

Sababta uu Tarsan u diidayo hambaliyada Shabelle inkasta oo aanay cadeeyn oo aananba la hubin inuu diiday iyo in kale Cariigna aanu xaqiiqada warkaasi cadayn hadana waxaa horay u jiray weerar xoog badan oo xitaa dad badan oo xeel-dheeerayaal ahi ay ku sheegeen mid khilaafaya sharciga Saxaafadda oo ay Shabelle maalmo dhawayd ku haysay gudoomiye Tarsan. Iyadoo xitaa gaartay inay wararkeeda maalin kasta ku dhawaad 5 ama 6-qodob oo Tarsan ku saabsan ay ku jiraan kuwaas oo mid kasta oo ka mid ahina uu shaqsiyad weerar ku salaysanyahay oo Tarsan ka dhan ah.

Anigu iminka dooni mayo inaan ka hadlo Shabelle iyo warbixinadeedii Tarsan ku saabsanaa iyo dagaalka iyada iyo gudoomiyaha gobalka ka dhexeeyay balse waxaa iigaga filan dagaalkaas iyo sida ay bal dadka wax og u arki karayaan marka loo sheego qaabka uu u socday iyadoo Shabelle wararkeeda ku sheegeysay qodobbo ay ka mid yihiin ( TARSAN WUXUU AHAA NIN MASKAX AHAAN AAN CAAFIMAAD QABIN…. TARSAN WUXUU CALANKA SOOMAALIYA KU GUBAY DEEGAANKA KUDHAA EE KOOFURTA SOMALIA ISAGOO LA SOCDAY MAXAKIIMTII ISLAAMIGA….. TARSAN WUXUU TAAGEERI JIRAY MAXKAMADIHII WUXUUNA DIIDANAA ITOOBIYA). Intaas oo qodobbo ahi iyo kasii badanina waxay ku jireen wararka caadiga ah ee ay Idaacaddu maalin kasta daynaysay oo dad boqolaal gaarayana ay dhagaysanayeen.

Caqliga wanaagsan ayaa diidaya in qof uu aflagaado u isticmaalo qof kale. Sidaasi darteed bal ka waran qof ka hadlaya Raadiyo ay dad badan dhagaysanayaan oo aflagaadeynaya mas’uul kale isagoo waliba si muuqata u weerarayay shaqsiyadiisa.

Waxaa taas kasii daran eedeymaha Shabelle ee Tarsan loo jeediyay inay ku noq-noqonayeen inuu taageeri jiray Maxkamadihii Islaamka. Waa su’aale kuma ayaanan taageeri jirin Maxkamadihii Islaamka oo maanta xil sare ka haya dalka Soomaaliya?? Madaxweynaha dalka oo ah mas’uulka xilalka ka jira Soomaaliya ugu sareeya ayaana tusaale taas inoogu filan.

Afhayeenka Gobolka Banaadir Maxamad Cabdulaahi Cariik
Aan kusoo laabto Afhayeen Cariig iyo hadaladiisii maanta ee layaabka igu abuuray. Wuxuu yidhi afhayeenka isagoo sii hadlaya “Gudoomiye Tarsan wuxuu iga diiday anigoo qaab mas’uulnimo ah u hadlaya inaan u hambliyeeyo Shabelle. Wuxuuna Telfoon uu iisoo diray iigu sheegay inuu tallaabo Milatari iga qaadayo”.

Hadalkan hadii aan dib u eego waxaan is waydiinayaa in qof Shaqaale ah uu qaadi karo tallaabo aanu mas’uulkiisa ama qofka isaga madaxda u ahi ka war qabin. Nidaamka dowladeedse ma yahay mid qaba is-dhex yaac iyo in qof kasta uu wuxuu doono sameeyo hadalkuu doonana Saxaafadda iska siiyo?. Hadii taasi ay dhacdana sow ma imaanayso in la waayo kala dambeyntii iyo awoodihii qaybsanaa ee awood kasta oo awoodaha dowladeed ka mida loogu sameeyay ilaalin iyo daba-gal lagu ogaanayo waxa ka khaldan iyo waxa ka saxan si loo hagaajiyo jaan-qaadka wanaagsan ee hanaanka dowladeed.

Afhayeenku wuxuu ku hadli karaa xilka uu hayo isagoo ogolaansho ka heysta madaxdiisa. Hadiise uu doonaoy inuu hadlo waa inuu si shaqsi ah u hadlaa sida sharciga ah caqliguna uu qabo.

Waxaa xusid mudan in markii uu hadlay Mr. Cariig saacado yar ka dib warbaahintu ay faafisay wareegto xilka looga qaadayo afhayeenkan oo xafiiska maamulka gobalka Benadir kasoo baxay. Waxayna tani inoo macnayn karaysaa in hadalka Cariig uu ahaa mid ka hormaraya tallaabada cazilaadiisa ah oo laga yaabo inuu kasii war hayay isaguna uu is lahaa bal wax un ku dhaqaaq taasi oo runtii ah mid aan u wanaagsanayn hanaanka dowladeed iyo hab-sami u socodkeeda.

Soomaaliya oo ah meel nidaamkii dowladeed uu dadkii ka lumay ayaa waxaa adag in dib loo hanto dowladnimadii iyo kala-dambeyntii. Si taas loo helana waxaaba habboon in waqtigan la joogo qof kasta oo mas’uul ah oo ka taxadaraa hadaladiisa iyo waxa ay abuuri karayaan. Marka Cariig si uu ilaaliyo mas’uuliyadda saran oo wax u qabashada dadka ah sida uu sheeganayay waxaa haboonaan lahayd inaanuba hadal jeedin hadiiba madaxa isaga kaga sareeyo xafiiska uusan hadalkaasi raali ka ahayn si wada shaqaynta hey’adaha dowladdu u toosto.

Hambaliyo aad u jeediso Idaacad u dabaal-dagaysa sanad-guuradeeda iyo inuu yimaado kala-qaybsanaan iyo dood xafiiskii dowladeed ee aad ka shaqaynaysay ka dhex dhacday tee baad dooran lahayd adigoo ah mas’uul u naxaya dalkiisa burbursan ee iminka un soo hana-qaadaya doonayana inuu dowladnimadii dib u hanto??? Taasi waa su’aal furan oo cid kasta ay ka jawaabeyso.

Hadalka kale ee aan ka hayo afhayeenka gobalka waxaa weeye isaga oo yidhi “ Hadii dhibaato ay I gaarto waxaa loo heystaa Tarsan oo ii hanjbay iina sheegay inuu wax I yeelayo. Qarax hadda ka hor la ii geeystay oo aan ka badbaadayna isagaa ka dambeeyay!!!”.

Bal ila eeg aqristoow hadalka uu Mr. Cariig sheegay khatarta uu xambaarsanyahay. Sow ma aha in dadka Caamada ah ama aan wax badan garanayn ee Soomaaliyeed oo misana u hanqal-taagayay baaqyada iyo astaamaha nabadda ku dhawaaqaya ee dowladda haatan jirta kasoo yeerayay ay dareemaan niyad-jab hadiiba madaxdeedii iyo hey’adaheedii dadka ugu sareeyay ay isugu hanjabayaan oo ay eedeymo dilal qorsheysan ku saabsan isku jeedinayaan.

Sidee u haminaysaa inaad sii ahaato afhayeenka gobalka adiga oo eedeyn abaabul fal dil ah u jeediyay gudoomiyihii gobalka?? Sideese gudoomiyuhu uu gudoomiye kusii ahaanayaa isagoo eedeyntaas loo jeediyay.

Sida aan ku bartay Sharciga oo inkasta oo aanan wax badan ka aqoon hadana Duruusta Jaamacadda aan kusoo qaatay ridista Xukunnada Maxkamadeed ee dambiyada uu dilku ugu sareeyo ku salaysan waxay soo martaa marxalado kala duwan oo mid kasta ay qiimeynteeda gaarka ah leedahay. Qofka lagu eedeeyo dilka ama dambiga kale ee hoos imaanaya Criminal Law-ga waxa loo yaqaan ama sharciga adag ee dambiga culus oo dilalku ku jiro la tacaamula wuxuu sharcigu siinayaa inaan lagu tilmaami Karin dambiile ama (Guilty) illaa laga cadeeyo dambigiisa oo lagu xaqiijiyo inuu dilka lagu eedeynayo galay. Saxaafaddana waxaa loogu yeeraa marka Sharciga la joogo inaanay ku dhiiran ku dhawaaqista ereyga dambiila inta maxkamaddu ay ka xaqiijinayso.

Sidaas darteed marka uu Mr.Cariig si toos ah ugu eedeeyay gudoomiye Tarsan inuu isagu mas’uul ka ahaa qaraxa isaga lala maaganaa oo uu ka badbaaday wuxuu sidaas Tarsan ku noqday Guilty ama dambiile waxaana ay ahaan lahayd hadii Maxkamadaha dalku ay shaqadooda sidii la rabay u qabsanayaan in toos loola kaco Xabsiga. Dhinaca kale marka laga eegana hadii dambigaas uu been noqdo waxaa khatar ku sugan qofkii ku dhawaaqay ereyga dambiile ee sida inuu isagu hubaal u heysto u sheegay ereygaas oo qofka kale u adeegsaday.

Isku soo wada duube waxaa muuqanaysa in wax badan oo dib u dhac ah uu ka dhex jiro hanaanka dowladeed ee dalka. Waxaase qof kasta marka halkan la marayo la gudboon inay iskeed mas’uul u noqoto oo ay u dhowrto wanaagga ugana fogaatto xumaha. Waayo tani waxay dan u tahay dadka musiibadda dowlad la’aanta ah oo dhibaatooyinka kala duwan la timid ay ku dul-habsatay kuna hoos noolaa mudaddii lasoo dhaafay.

Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalida oo waxa heysta aan ka wada war qabno hadii aan u damqan wayno oo dano gaar ah ay ina duufsadaan waxaa hubaal ah in taasi mar un xumaanteeda aan ogaan doonno.

Sidaas darteed inta anagoo shalaay joogna aan arki lahayn waxaa inala gudboon inaan waqtiga aan awoodda leenahay oo dadku ay ina dhagaysanayaan hadii aan Saxafiyiin nahay ama hadaladeenna loo dhag-taagayo hadii aan xubno dowladeed naahay inaan ka joogsano xumo-sheegga oo aan ku dadaalo sidii dadka quluubtooda wax wanaagsan loogu shubi lahaa taasi oo aan ahayn mid cid gaar ah loogu adeegayo ee ah dan guud oo inagoo dhami wanaag inoo horseedeysa.

Ugu dambeyntiina waxaan mar kale ka cudur-daaranayaa hadii qof Soomaaliyeed uu xumaan ka fahmo qoraalkeygan.

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Mohamed Abdullahi Dhaaley

waaqeed ay joogtay
since beginning of time

Ummad waaraad loo qaybsadoon
divided, pieces and parcels indifferent if

kaba walaacaynin
it is chopped into spheres

Ummad aan ka waababa aqoon
Ignorant and unwary to the laid traps

dabinka weegaaran
and the pits concealed

Ummad wadajirka diiddanoo
Fratricidaly paranoid, rejecting unity

kala waswaasaysa
and inflicted with delusion

Ummad waddici gobonimiyoo
Faithful to yoke, scorns liberty and

wacan gumaystiina
inviting the tyrant colonist

Ummad uu wadkeedii galoo
In the hour of death, unbeknown a

waalo tumanaysa
nation dancing intoxicated

Maxamed Cali Cibaar, (translated by
Rashid Yahya Ali)

“These regimes based on the family unit seem to repeat the age-old laws of endogamy and faced with this stupidity, this imposture and this intellectual and spiritual poverty, we are left with a feeling of shame rather than anger. These heads of governments are true traitors of Africa, for they sell their continent to the worst of its enemies: stupidity.” Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, p.126

There is a broad political consensus that the term of the current Transitional Federal Institutions should not be extended after August 2012. It is also apparent that, the best way to end the transition is not to put the current discredited politicians in charge of the management of the process aimed at finding their replacement. As the International Crisis Group rightly observes, “The TFG should not be allowed to highjack the agenda or dictate terms in negotiations about Somalia’s future. It should be treated as one party among many in the development of the constitution and creation of the post-August 2012 government.”(Africa Briefing no.89, p.9)

The current process to end the transition is micro-managed by the Transitional Federal Government, and other few haphazardly selected regional entities, under the auspices of the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) and IGAD, while the vast minority of Somalis stay outside the process. This is glaringly reminiscent of Mbagathi process where Ethiopian sponsored warlords and their supporters were given the ultimate authority to select the members of the delegates and parliament members. That process palpably produced an ineffectual, illegitimate government and consequently exacerbated the political and humanitarian crisis in the country.

While the Mbagathi reconciliation conference was dominated by the same faction leaders, who failed to implement their countless previous pledges and agreements, the United Nations and other members of the international community continued to lend their support to the conference, and quixotically expected the faction leaders to find a solution to the protracted political crisis in Somalia.

Ironically, and perhaps unsurprisingly, after the conclusion of the Mbagathi conference that produced the Transitional Federal Institutions, the Secretary General of the United Nations candidly stated “it cannot be said that either peace or reconciliation has been achieved or that fighting inside Somalia has ceased.” This is a hugely significant confession given the energy and resources dedicated to the conference. At the same time, the United Nations realised that the success or failure of the government is not only dependent on the support it receives from the international community, but also “on the contribution of the Somali population at large, including civil society.” (S/2005/89, paragraphs 71, 77)

It seems that, no lesson has been learned from the previous failures, and another ill-considered Roadmap is being presented. Surely, the outcome would not be different from the previous failed ventures and may produce a replica of the current ineffective TFIs at best.

In actuality, the opposition to the current externally driven Roadmap for ending the transition in Somalia and the ill-conceived constitution-making process is increasing. For instance, members of religious groups, clan elders, and former politicians voiced their strong opposition to this fraudulent project. Additionally, a joint statement released in Mogadishu by seven organisations comprising political parties and other organised civic forces added their voice to the opposition to the Roadmap. In a statement, those organisations correctly warned that, if the Draft Constitution is adopted “it will recharge old antagonism and trigger new, multiple and combustible divisiveness.”

The difference between those who invent games and those who play them is said to be, players can win or lose but inventors always end up winning. The sad irony is that, the current unsuspecting Somali politicians, intentionally or inadvertently, seem to be playing a dangerous game concocted by others. Ironically, some of them are even genuinely trying to finish the work on time, in the words of the Somali nationalist poet Mohamed Cibaar, “ignorant and unwary to the laid traps and the pits concealed.”

It is imperative to state, though; the inventors of the current Roadmap for ending the transition in Somalia will not be the ones who will bear the brunt of the catastrophic consequences of their ill-advised policies. As is often the case, the ordinary Somalis will suffer the consequences of the misguided project. Apparently, the inventors of the current Roadmap started to issue the familiar threats and intimidations, in an attempt to force Somali people into accepting this ill-conceived scheme.

To that end, in a joint statement, the representatives of AU, UNPOS and AMISOM, stated “we remain greatly concerned that the Roadmap continues to be jeopardized by the actions of individuals and groups in and out of Somalia working to undermine the fragile progress we have collectively made in recent months.” In an Orwellian twist, the statement continues to declare “We have come too far, and too much is at stake for us to allow the progress to backslide at the exact moment Somalia has its best opportunity for peace in decades.” This grossly misleading statement is at variance with the political reality on the ground in Somalia.

It seems that, these representatives are attempting to railroad Somali people into supporting the current fraudulent protect intended for creating yet another unworkable, illegitimate transitional entity. In the face of unyielding opposition, the aforementioned organisations warned “non-compliance with, or active obstruction of the Roadmap for Ending the Transition in Somalia will be referred to the IGAD Council of Ministers with our recommendations for the immediate imposition of specific measures and restrictions.”

It is vital to note; nonetheless, no amount of threat and intimidation will force the Somali people into accepting this fraudulent protect. In that respect, it is necessary to point out that, Somali people have the right to participate freely in the political process of their country, and no one can deny them that hard-won right.

The Adoption of the Draft Constitution

Early last week, Hiiraan Online reported that, the President of the Transitional Federal Government, Sharif Sheik Ahmed made a statement implying that the approval of the constitution is a foregone conclusion, and stated “the rejection of the constitution is unacceptable, but individual provisions of the Draft Constitution can be discussed and any amendments suggested.” The statement of the president is problematic and demonstrates that the whole process is perchance nothing but political skulduggery. For a start, while there has never been any meaningful discussion of the system and the shape of governance that suits Somalia, this Draft Constitution provides for a federal system of government. In that regard, it is pointless to discuss individual articles of the Draft Constitution, while there is no political consensus on the shape of governance that Somali people want.

The only time Somali people had come close to a meaningful discussion of the shape of the system of governance, suitable for Somalia, was in 2000, when the Djibouti Government organised a Technical Consultative Symposium where Somali intellectuals, civil society members, representatives of various religious groups, clan elders and women representatives from inside and outside the country came together. On the future shape of the Somali government, the symposium proposed a decentralised unitary arrangement. (S/2000/1211, para.12)

It is crucial to state that, constitution-making is an immensely significant part of any peace-building and reconciliation, but experience elsewhere amply demonstrate that hurriedly, externally imposed constitutions only exacerbate the situation, and fuel further violence. As Lakhdar Brahimi, former special advisor to the UN Secretary General pertinently notes, “a constitution cannot be rammed through too early in the process: people coming out of a conflict are hardly capable of building the national consensus required for the successful drafting of a constitution.”

My point is not to advocate a particular system of governance for Somalia, but to highlight the inherent right of the Somali people to participate in decisions of choosing a suitable political system of governance. Nevertheless, in my opinion, a decentralised unitary system of governance suits Somalia best. I believe that in the final analysis, clan-based federal system will unnecessarily fragment the country and create new, unending violent conflicts in different corners of the country.

Moreover, and more importantly, the proposed constituent assembly, tasked to approve the Draft Constitution, will be far from representative. On the surface, it may seem representative and inclusive in terms of clan representation but inclusion entails more than balancing clan membership quota. As it stands, the assembly members will be handpicked by the current politicians and will probably choose people beholden to them-this is an obvious continuation of the disastrous zero-sum game of the past. In fact, there is credible evidence that some politicians are personally selecting the new members. More worryingly still, widespread irregularities and fraud is reported with respect to the selection of clan elders.

The argument that the assembly members will be representative because they are selected by clan elders is problematic. Firstly, the clan elders who are expected to select the assembly members are going to be approved by the current politicians. Evidently, who approves clan elders matters because almost all Somali clans/ sub-clans have multiple leaders. Secondly, and more disturbingly, a committee comprising the current politicians, who declared their candidacy for top leadership positions, will have the final authority to approve of the selected members. In that respect, there is an obvious conflict of interest.

The Security Situation

The leaders of the transitional federal government argue ad nauseum that, the security situation of the country is improving and that they are winning the war against their opponents. To be fair, the security of Mogadishu has improved after the withdrawal of Alshabab militia from the city. The reason is that the daily heavy fighting and indiscriminate shelling of populated areas stopped. However, the security of the city is dependent on the presence of AMISOM troops because the transitional federal government failed to create a credible national security force without which any security in any part of the country will be tenuous at best. The presence of the UN mandated troops will only work when a credible, legitimate government is in place-which is regrettably lacking at present.

The claim of the government that its troops are in control of territories outside the capital turns out to be a canard. In fact, troops from Ethiopia and Kenya control all the towns and villages captured from Al-Shabab. It is also crucial to point out that, clan-based warlord militias accompany those foreign troops. Furthermore, credible reports suggest that, both Ethiopian and Kenyan troops refuse to cooperate with the TFG, and bring in their own warlords in order to make them in charge of the areas under their control. This is an obvious attempt by those countries to empower the warlords and keep the status quo that clearly benefits them in more ways than one.

In that respect, for Somalia to merge from the current political stalemate, the role of the neighbouring countries should be curtailed. The history between Somalia and its neighbours, particularly Ethiopia and Kenya, is riddled with mistrust and animosity. Additionally, their involvements in the Somali politics have been negative for the last decades. To enhance the trust of the Somali people in the next political dispensation, the role of the neighbouring countries should be limited. When Somalia stands on its feet again, close neighbourly relations between Somalia and its neighbours, based on mutual interest, can be encouraged and facilitated. However, such a relationship cannot be nurtured at the present moment when Ethiopian and Kenyan troops are in Somalia, and are empowering clan militias and unscrupulous warlords.

Additionally, in the face of precarious security situation and an escalating humanitarian calamity, it is difficult for many Somalis to comprehend the disproportionate attention and resources directed at the problems effecting foreign interests like piracy and ‘terrorism’. In stark contrast, the issues posing the greatest threat to the lives of the ordinary Somalis are practically ignored. As the US Ambassador to the United Nations, Susan Rice, candidly recognised, “ultimately, only security and stability in Somalia will resolve the root causes of the current piracy problem.”

Concluding Remarks

Edward De Bono wrote in his book New Think, “Logic is the tool that is used to dig holes deeper and bigger, to make them altogether better holes. But if the hole is in the wrong place, then no amount of improvement is going to put it in the right place. No matter how obvious this may seem to every digger, it is still easier to go on digging in the same place than to start all over again in a new place.” It is obvious that Somali politicians, United Nations and other members of the international community have been using the same method to end the political stalemate in Somalia for the last two decades, digging a hole in the wrong place as it were. Sadly, the outcome will probably remain the same-more political turmoil and unrelenting bloodletting.

It seems, as the former special representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mohamed Sahnoun, poignantly observed early in the Somali conflict, “people in New York [and many other capitals] who knew nothing of the realities in the field make hasty and uncalled for decisions and persist in having them implemented, despite evidence of mismanagement and strong objection of the people in the field.” Sadly, the United Nations and other international actors are making the same old and costly mistake by gratuitously legitimising several regional administrations and current corrupt politicians, while ignoring the opinions of the vast majority of Somalis, the effect of which will be disastrous for all the parties concerned.

On the basis of the facts and evidence available, it can be reasonably concluded that the current Roadmap will probably exacerbate the already combustible situation in Somalia, and will, in all probability, produce another illegitimate, unworkable transitional entity.

Unfortunately, and contrary to the claims of the actors involved in the implementation of the Roadmap, this current process will most likely be another fool’s errand. If the international community facilitates and finances such process, it would have to take moral responsibility for any violence and political turmoil it generates.

__________________
* Ahmed Ali M Khayre is a PhD candidate in Birkbeck School of Law, University of London. He can be reached at: Ahmedakhayre@gmail.com/a>

“… the United Nations, the African Union, and IGAD are jointly issuing this unambiguous warning to all potential spoilers: non-compliance with or active obstruction of the Road Map for ending the Transition in Somalia will be referred to IGAD Council of Ministers with our recommendation for immediate imposition of specific measures and restrictions. Moreover requests for further sanctions against spoilers may simultaneously be referred to the United Nations Monitoring on Somalia and Eritrea in order to open an investigation under the terms of the UN Security Council Resolution 1844 (2008).”

What is the Road Map (RM) for Ending the Transition in Somalia? Does the RM has any legitimacy with Somali people? Who are the Spoilers? Is the authority of the SR, AUSR and IGADF divine such that it cannot be challenged by the Somali people whose political fate is to be determined by the RM if the SR has his way? This essay probes these questions.

The Road Map

The engine driving the RM is an agreement in Kampala between the President of the Transitional Federal Government, the Former Speaker of the TFG Parliament, and a former Prime Minister in the summer of 2011. These three individuals were brought to Kampala, Uganda, under the auspices of President Museveni of Uganda with the SR’s participation.

The purported purpose of the meeting was to reconcile the conflict between the three Somalis over the nature of the transitional period and distribution of political power among these three people during the remaining days of the transition which was supposed to end on August 2011.

Somalia’s transitional charter that governs the transition has been set aside by the SR in order for his group to have their way in determining Somalia’s future. Without any consultation with the Somali Parliament and the Somali people, the hosts forced the three TFG personalities to agree in Kampala. Since then the Kampala Accord has become the force behind the Road Map.

For all practical purposes the Kampala Accord has empowered the TFG President, the former Speaker of Parliament, the new Prime Minister, and several of their self-selected individuals to determine the way out of the transition. The SR, AUSR, and IGADF and their Somali clients manage this process which has completely shut out the Somali people and the TFG parliament.

The Road Map is currently structured to allow the TFG President, the PM and the former Speaker of parliament (the latter is still considered by the SR, IGAD, and the AU as Speaker although parliament removed him from that post several months ago) to pick the traditional leaders who are supposed to select members of the post-transition parliament, and the congress that will approve the UN drafted post-transition constitution. In other words, the SR, AUSR, and IGAD wish to enable the very TFG President, former speaker and the current PM who failed to deliver any results during their tenure to determine the future of the country as well allow them to reappoint themselves to power.

Given that there has been no open and sustained public debate and discussion about the terms of the RM means that the UN and a small group among the TFG are the sole owners of the Road Map. Reflecting the famous American liberation motto “no taxation without representation”, the Somali democratic movement’s response to the UN Road Map is “no legitimacy without autonomous Somali ownership and input”.

The spoilers

Who are the spoilers? Nelson Mandela was a “spoiler and a terrorist” in the eyes of apartheid governments and their allies. So were Gandhi and Ben Bella. In Somalia, the likes of Mandela were the members of the SYL and SNL during the Italian and British colonialism.

In a style reminiscent of colonial times, the SR, the AUSR, and IGADF consider the democratic movement, the new political parties, and the independent Muslim Ulema who are engaged in peaceful political activities as spoilers. These groups have carefully studied the UNDP drafted constitution and found it to be opposed to basic Somali and Islamic values. They have openly rejected the UN owned draft constitution without resorting to violence and have begin to mobilise the population.

Not only do these civilian groups find the constitution anti-Somali, but they view the entire RM which is supposed to lead to the post-transition political order utterly illegitimate. Somalia’s democratic and peace movement is challenging the authoritarian operation of the UN, the AU, and IGAD. It is this non-violent and unarmed movement that the UN and its partners dub as spoilers and threaten to punish. Apparently, the UN, AU, and IGAD consider good Somalis to be child-like on whose behalf they can act politically, or terrorists and spoilers who should be sanctioned and punished using AU/IGAD and UN instruments.

The history of liberation movements in Africa and elsewhere provide ample examples of democratic movements and liberation leaders who were vilified and persecuted by colonial and imperial powers. But the determination of the African people and their pursuit of justice and democracy ultimately prevailed.

It is ironic that the UN and AU which supported the liberation movements in those years are now acting as instruments of Somali subjugation. Further the UN has been vocal about the rights of people in Syria, Libya, and elsewhere in the Arab World, however, the UN considers the rights of the Somali people to peacefully mobilise themselves in order to determine their destiny to be a criminal affair that must be sanctioned and punished.

The use of threats by the SR, AUSR, and IGADF demonstrate how these institutions are used for undemocratic and unjust political ends. Such behaviour reinforces the established idea that the UN, AU, and IGAD do not have the Somali people’s interest at heart and that the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea is a partisan organisation set to subjugate independent Somalis who dare to stand up for their rights and those of their country.

Crime and punishment

The SR and his African counterparts at the AU and IGAD have presided over a political project in Somalia that has delivered nothing but failure and misery over the last decade and half.

About three years ago, the UN led international community concocted another TFG for Somalia which is now accepted by all parties to be frighteningly corrupt and incompetent. Most recently, the SR, AUSR, and IGADF were caught sleeping on the switch as tens of thousands of Somalis starved to death and millions were devastated by the famine; while the monitoring Group has been implicated in the production of the famine.

Given this record, it is reasonable to conclude that the SR, AUSR, and IGADF think of Somalia to be their colony rather than belonging to Somalis. Their latest effort to cower the Somali civic movement into submission is designed to install more incompetent and illegitimate political order that does not respect the dignity of the people and the integrity of the nation. This agenda is as audacious as any former colonial scheme and will destroy the Somali Republic if it is not stopped.

Finally, the only “crime” the Somali democratic movement has committed is to dare dream of freedom in the land of its birth. By demonising the Somali democratic movement as spoilers, that must be punished, the United Nations and the African Union are behaving like the autocrats in the Arab World which the Arab Uprising is trying to flush out of political power. They can try to impose an apartheid-like political order on the Somali people because AMISOM which is not accountable to the population and funded by the United States and Europe controls Mogadishu.

The hope was that AMISOM, as African brothers, will defeat al-Shabaab and give the Somali people a chance to rebuild their country, but that hope has been dashed as the UN and the AU try to suffocate Somalis’ democratic aspirations. Fortunately the Somali democratic movement will endure the latest humiliation and shall prevail sooner or later as they seek freedom, justice, and democracy in their own home.

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Abdi Ismail Samatar is Professor of Geography at the University of Minnesota and Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria, South Africa.

Faroole maxuu qoonsaday ? waxaa ugu horeeysa asaga oo aanan jacleeyn qaran somali in uu oo dib u soo noqda sabbabaha soo socota darteed,waxaa uu ansixiyay dastuur ku cad in Bintland aayan ka mid aheeyn Somalia,waxaa ku qoran dastuurka Binland xaga arimaha jinsiyada in qofka Bintland ku dhashaa ama ku jiraa xeendaabka Bintland in uu qaadanayo jinsiyada Bintland halkaasi waxaa ka cad in Faroole iyo inta daba soctaa aayan marna raali ka aheeyn jinsiyada Somali iyo in aay soo noqto midnimo Somali,waxaa kale oo jira magaalada Muqdisho sida aay ku socoto xiligaan ee xaga nabada iyo horumarka is-dhexgalka umada aay sabbabeeyso siyaasada Faroole in aay ka gadmiweeydo umada somali,waxaa uu Muqdisho u soo dirsaday duubab hal beel ah taas oo cadeeyneeyso in Bintland aay tahay hal beel oo kaliya halka Khaatumo-state Maakhir State Karkaar-state iyo Raascaseeyr-state aay u soo dirsadeen duubab matalaya shacbka ku dhaqan goboladaa diidana kala goída Somali balse aaminsan somali waxda,waxaa meesha ka baxay waxii Mahiga iyo Faroole maleegayeen ee dastuurka qabyada qoraalka oo maalin walbaa wax laga bedelayo welina aanan cadeeyn qormada dastuurka saxda ah shacabkii lagu dhaqi lahaana aay diideen,wasiirka dastuurka iyo arimaha faderaalka mar aay wax ka weeydiisay Faroole in uu ka mid yahay Qaswadayaasha ayuu ku jawaabay in Faroole aanan loo haynin magac balse uu xaq u leeyahay in uu mucaarado,wallow uu sheegay in aay mudnaan laheeyd in uu dowlada dhexe ku soo wargeliyo wax uu ku mucaaradayo eeyan fiicneeyn in Un ka iyo IGAD leeysku dacaweeyo.

Waxaa meesha ka baxday dastuurkii Bintland oo aay ansixyeen dhawaan dhagarqabayaasha Bintland in uusan marna la jaan qaadi karin dastuurka qabyo qoraalka maadaama maalin walbaa qodob laga bedelayaayo, roadmapka iyo Garowe 1 Garowe 2 Galkacayo 3 ujeeddada loo abuuray waxaa aay ayeed in danaha Bintalnd laga hormariyo danaha umada Somalia,xaqiiqdiina waxaa iska horyimid labadaa ujeedo oo aadka u kala fogaa,waxaa cadaatay in Somalida aayan ogoleen dastuur laga leeyahay hadaf guracan iyo sadbuuri ku dhisan xaqdaro iyo caddaalada oo laga fogaado.

Xagee u socdaa Faroole ama Bintland ????

Waxaan marna shaki ku jirin in dhawaan aay caddeeyndoonaan in aay ka go`een Somalia sida Somaliland ,waaa talaabo lagu heshiiyay kuna cad dastuurka Bintland ee dhawaan la ansixiyay,hadaba Faroole sow ma noqon geel ninkii lahaa dhacayo yaa ka soo dhigin Faroole xad ma laha xuduudiisa waxaa xargaha ka furay Shariif aanan laheeyn aqoonta siyaasada somalia,maxaa laga dhihi karaa r/wasaare C/weli hadaladiisii uu VOA ” Nasiib darada jirtaa waxaa weeye Dadka mucaaradaya dastuurka qabyada ah, boqolkiiba 99 maba garanayaan waxyaabaha uu qoraayo mana haboona qofku inuu wax iska diido isagoo aan aqoon u laheyn waxa uu diidayaan” Faroole iyo Bintland ma garanayaan dastuurka qabyo qoraalka mise waa garanaayeene danahooda ayuu ka horimaanayaa ujeedada Bintland waa in aay ka go´daa Somali.Faroole ma xishoodo ee waa baqaa,waxaase ka sii xishood daran kana xanuun badan Gaas oo ah dhaxalkii C/aahi Yusuf oo og wax umada aay diidan tahay iyo hirgelinta ujeedooyinka guracan ee Faroole ama Bintland.

Somalida waxaa la gudboon in aay dib ugu fiirsadaan dastuurka qabyo qoraalka oo runtii noqday mid dano kala duwan laga leeyahay,waxaan marna la qaadan karin in dastuurka uusan ka soo horjeedin shareecada Islaamka, waxaan cadeeynayaa in dastuurka qabyo qoraalka uu aad ugu fogyahay shareecada basle sida laga arko ansixita dastuurka in lagu ansixinaayo qaabka 4,5 oo ah mid shareecada ka fog, qabaailada lagu sheegay nuska sida reer xama.Barawaan Madhibaan,Jareerweeyn duubabkooda waxaa ka codsaneeynaa in aayan ka qeeybgalin shir aay nus ka yihiin,shir somali u dhan tahay fadalan kaga qeeybgala iyada oo somalida aay simman tahay maah nus,diida in baarlamaanka somali aad ku yeelatiin 25 xildhibaan xaq maah balse waa gardaro qaawan, ka faaiideeysta xiliga lagu jiraa maaha xiligii hubka leeysku handadayay balse dalka waxaa ka taliya AMISOM .Alow sahar umuuraha.

Dr.Ali.A.Hirabe
Hirabe_a@hotmail.com

Haddaba, waxaan doonaya inaan wax yar ka xuso taageeradii bulshada qaarkeed ku soo dhaweeyeen Madaxweyne Shariif, ma ka soo baxay? Mise wuxuu ka dhigay “Hal bacaad lagu lisay?” bulshadii Soomaaliyeed ee u hanweyneyd, kuwii garabqabtay iyo kuwii ku taageeray inuu hogaanka dalka qabto abaalkoodii ma guday? Aan jilciyo, abaalka maaha sheekadu “Kooro la qaadyaaba Shalmadi dhalalow” abaalka la gudayaa waa ma muujiyey nidaam dowliya, kala danbayn, cadaalad, hawlkarnimo, wadaniyad, daacadnimo, hoggaan wanaagsan iyo dowlad wanaag? Ee ugama jeedo jagooyin muxuu u dhiibi waayay iyo waxoogaa muxuu u laabi waayey? Waayo dadka qaarbaa waxaas u yaqaana wax weyn!

Danta guud muxuu ka qabtay ayaan leenahay? Illeen ma uusan ahayn sharaxaad guri la sudhanayee, ujeedada uu ku yimid jaranjarada ilaa heer Madaxweyne lagu gaadhsiiyey iyo taageeradii naf iyo maalkaba lahayd ee ay shacabka Soomaaliyeed u hureen madax iyo minjoba lahaa rag iyo dumar, carruur iyo cirroole ayuu ku gaadhay maqaamka uu maanta joogo, haddaba, su’aasha jawaabta u baahan ayaa ah, ma ka soo baxay? Jawaabta waxaan u daynayaa aqristaha iyo bulshada Soomaaliyeed.

Shariif shacabka Soomaaliyeed abaalbay u galeen, maahmaah Soomaaliyeed ayaa tidhaahda: “Xiniinyuhu maaha kuwa kugu jiree, waa kuwa lagula garab taagan yahay” waxuu yidhi Abwaan Soomaaliyeed: “Gobonimo banaan lagama helo ban iska taal taale, baaruudda qiiqdiyo haddaan bii’em lagu keenin„ taas waxay ka markhaati kacaysaa, halgankii la dagaalanka Amxaarada iyo dowladdii Imbagaati inaysan ku iman ciyaar, ujeedadeenuna ahayn tan maanta taagan, Madaxweyne Shariif wuxuu ku soo caan baxay laba arimood, 6 bilood ee Maxkamadaha iyo cadaawaddii Itoobiyaanka iyo hogaamintii dagaalkii ka dhanka ahaa ciidamada Maryacalasta ahaa iyo itoobiya. Haddaba, maxaa is bedelay? Shalay waxaan aniga iyo bulsho kaleba ahayn dad u jajaban taageerida hannaanka cusub ee ku salaysan diinta iyo shaqsiyaadkii ku cusbaa siyaasadda, ee aan dalka hore danbiya uga gelin iyo magacyada ShIikh hebel ShIikh hebel oo aan hore safka hore loogu arag, Dr, General, Iyo Kornayl Iwm maahee, haddaba, aniga oo maqaal iyo suugaanba ku taageeray markii hore Madaxweyne shariif, inkastoo aan ka afeeftay, taageeradaydana shuruudo la socdeen, dabcan haddii la buuxin waayana aysan jirayn taageero, anigoo tixgelinayaa maahmaahdii ahayd: “Dad iyo Duur waxaadan filayn ayaad kala kulantaa ) waxaana ka qoray maqaal aan ku tilmaamayey kala duwanaanshaha dhinacyada badnaa, ee da’da, magaca iyo muuqaalka siyaasadeed uu kaga duwanaa madaxdii kale, waayoo waxuu ahaa Madaxweyne laba jago u kala danbeysay oo mid kacdoon shacab ah, Gudoomiyaha Maxaakiimta MMI, iyo mid Xisbi mucaarad ah Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga dib u xoreynta, tanaasulkii mucaaradnimada iyo ka mid noqoshadii Dowladdii u mucaaradka ku ahaa iyo isaga oo baarlamaan u codeeyeen, qaabkuu doonaba ha ahaado baarlamaankaasi, aanay odayaal dhaqameed keenin iyo Sidii Shirarkii hore ee Jabuuti Cali Mahdi & Cabdiqaasim iyo kii Kenya EldoratCabdulaahi Yuusuf (AUN) habeenkii la doortay ayaan maanso aan ugu magacdaray “Gubaabo” u tiriyey, Isla habeenkaas isla saacaddii uu madaxnimada ku guulaystay waxaana ka mid ahaa :

Maansadii Gubaabo 31.01.2009

Gu’yaal iyo gu’yaalbaan
Guusha caawa noo timid
Geesiyaw sugaynee
Gacantaada Eebbaaa
Ku guuleeyay maantee
Gadhwadeen nadiifoo
Garyaqaan cadliya
Noqo ruux gaaraadloo
Gobonimo u diriroo
Geyigoo dhan gaadhsii
Nabad lagu gam’ oo wacan
Gogol qudha isugu keen
Gardarrada ka dheeroow
Gooni haysu taagine
Garbahaaga nimankii
Geesaha ka joogee
Guusha kuu horseedee
Geesiyaashii waydii
Garashana ka kaashoo
Garo waajibaadkaa!
Dadkan kala go’doome
Gararkaa ka kala dhacay
Guryahoodii wada keen
U gargaar agoontoo
Garab qabo haweenkoo
U guntoo dadkoo idil
Cudurrada gumaadiyo
Gaajada haleeshiyo
Geerida dhamaysiyo
Garaad xumada taalliyo
Jahligaa gardaadsaday
Ka gilgilo xumaatada
Garo waajibaadkaa
Danta reer galbeedkiyo
Gocorrada Itoobiya
Inta guushayada neceb
Inaan horumar gaadhniyo
Gobonimada Soomaal
Weligaa ka gaabsoo
Gogoshood ha gelinoo
Ha ka dhiganin garaboo
Haw garaabin weligaa
Ha garawsan hadalkood
Guurtida dalkeeniyo
Geeshkii aqoontaa
Garabkaaga joogee
Gargaar dibad ka yimid
Ha guuxin cadawgaaa
Ka gilgilo xumaatada
Garo waajibaadkaa!!
Waqtiga aan maansadan tiriyey waa habeenkii uu ku guulaystay Madaxnimada, ee lagu dhawaaqay natiijadii doorashada, ujeedka aan u sameeyey dan aan isaga ka lahaa maaha, anigoo codka shacabka ku hadlayaa ayaan waxaa ila qummanaatay maanso a iyo gubaabo ah inaan gudoonsiiyo mudanaha la doortay, haddaba, maxaan kaga dalbaday Madaxweyne shariif maansada Gubaabo, anigoo ku hadlayaa oo metelaya gebi ahaan shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee ka daalay dhibaatada, Colaadaha iyo kala qaybsanaanta baahsan, anigoo weliba ahaa dadka sida aadka u taageersanaa mabaadi’dii hore ee ku salaysnaa wadaniyadda, la dagaalka Itoobiya iyo dowladdii Imbagaati oo ahayd wakiilka Itoobiya u fadhiya Soomaaliya, maansada waxaa ka mida qodobadeeda kuwan anigoo soo koobaya:

1. Gadhwadeen nadiif: Hogaamiye aan turxaan, ceeb, eex, qabyaalad iyo qudhun oo dhan ka nadiif ah.

2.Garyaqaan cadliya: Waa shaqsiga ilaa hadda ay ummada Soomaaliyeed u goomantahay.

3.Gobonimo u diriroo: Gobonimadu waxay ka soo billaabataa keli, qoys, deegaan ilaa dal la gaadho, gobonimadu waa shaqsi ka xor ah feker iyo maskax gumaysi iyo dad aan isaga la dan ahayn, gobonimadu waa qof ilaaliya xuquuqdiisa shaqsi ahaaneed ilaa heer qaran, haddii uusan qofku ahayn gob waa gun waana shaqsi ku jira gacan dad kale ama dan ha ku qasabto, oo awood ha lagu muquuniyo ama isagu ha doorbidee.

4.Noqo ruux garaad leh: Garashadu waxay qofka ku hagtaa jidka toosan, waxayna uga digtaa jidka qalloocan, ee danaystenimada, habacsanimada, caadaqaatanimada iwm.

Maansada ma qodobayn karo, waayoo waxay noqonaysaa in aan toban bog ku falanqeeyo, waan soo koobayaa, waxaa ka mida: inuu la tashi la sameeyo dadkii heerkan soo gaadhsiiyey aqoonyahankii, culumadii, dhalinyaradii, shacabweynihii Soomaaliyeed ee u ogolaaday inuu hogaamiyo, kana ogolaaday inay ku kalsoonaadaan.

Haddaba, ma muuqato in Madaxweyne shariif fuliyey hawshii loo igmaday? Jawaabta aniga dhankayga waa maya, sababtoo ah waxuu noqday habkii lagu yaqaanay nin muraad leh, waxuu ka dhigtay gebi ahaan bulshadii jaranjaro uu ku gaadho Mahiga, Malese iyo macooda, waxii shalay markuu mucaaradka ahaa, laga filaayeyna waxaan ahayn ayuu la soo baxay iyo dabeecado boorsada ugu jiray, waxaan markaas odhan karnaa: waxuu ku ifoobay shaqsi loo hanweynaa oo lagu hungoobay mise “waa lagu mood noqonse weydey” la mood hogaamiye daacad, laakiin ma noqon! Waxaa kaaga markhaatiya 20 sano ka hor dalkani waxuu u burburay haddaad diiddo amarkayga waan ku xidhayaa ama ku dilayaa, maanta Madaxweyne Shariif sheekadii ayuu la gole yimid, miyaanu ogayn dadku inay yihiin dadkii hore taas u diiday? Miyaanu ogayn dadka inaysan ahayn dad awood lagu muquunin karo isaga iyo ugaandhiis iyo itoobiyaan iyo waxii la halmaale oo dhan? Haddiise dadku dantooda iyo dalkooda masiirkooda ka hadlaan, oo dareenkooda sheegaan Ma dambiilayaalbaa, Nabaddiid , Qaswade, Isbaariiste iyo in loogu Hanjabo hantidaan kaa xayirayaa iyo socodka? Isu ekaa Kacaankii Baas & Kaartada Mahige! Haddaad hadalka Mahiga iyo ururada dalka xoogga ku haysto raacdo waxaad tahay kacaan horusocoda, haddaad diidona waxaad tahay Nabadddiid, Dowlad diid!

Waxaa kale oo wax aad loola yaabo ah, waxaa la yidhi dowladdu waa Federaal, nidaam talo wadaag ah, qolo welibana waxay gaar u leedahay taladeeda iyo arrimaheeda hoose, ee deegaankooda iyo qaybta ay dalka kaga dhaqan yihiin waxaa la wadaagayaa keliya, waxii ku xidhan dowladda dhexe ee laysku af garto, sida Ciidanka, Calanka, Lacagta, Baarlamaanka guud, Madaxweyne guud iyo Gole Wasiirro dowladda dhexe ah, Dowladda dhexena awooddeedu way xadidan tahay, haddaba waxaa isweydiin ah, labada nidaam ee ah 4.5 iyo Federaal midkoodna awood u siin maayo Ra’iisalwasaare Gaas inuu farageliyo Dekadda iyo Madaarka Muqdisho iyo maamulka gobolka banaadir iyo gobollada kale, ee maxaa walaay Profisoorka? Mise waxii la sheegayaaba run ah, sheekadu yeynaga noqon “la jiifiyaana bannaan, la joojiyaana bannaan” inta dowlad goboleed ama go’aan baarlamaan lagu cayimayo caasimadda, waxaa masuuliyaddeeda iska leh Gudoomiyaha gobolka iyo gudoomiyayaasha degmooyinka iyo xubnaha fulinta golaha deegaanka 21 xubnood kuwaasoo dhaqaalaha Dowladda dhexe ee canshuurtana bixinaya waxa kalena ku maalgelinaya magaalada iyo deegaanka caasimada, maaha inay si toosa xukuumaddu u farageliso, xukuumaddu waa inay ilaalisaa qawaaniinta saldhigga u ah 4.5 iyo Federaal. Waxaan sidaa u leeyahay maadaama uusan awood u lahayn Ra’iisalwasaarha waa Cabdiweli Gaas wax ka bedelidda madaarrada Puntland, Galmudug, Hiiraan, Gedo, Bay iyo Bakool, yaa awoodda Muqdisho u siiyey Waxaase iga Su’aala: Muqdishadu ma Timir xabaal taalbaa?

Dadka qaar ayaa marka xaqiiqada laga hadlo xasaasiyad iyo Habla baas ku dhacaa, oo ku canaanyoonaya dhabta, taas waxaa daliil u ah qofka runta sheega waa Dowlad diid ayaa lagu odhanayaa, war ma dowlad baan diiday waxii xun baan diidaye, miyaanan damiir wax kala sooca lahayn wax walba ma sida Hebelo ayaan haa iyo haye iska idhaahdaa.

Dadka Bartamaha iyo Banaadir degan, waa bulshada keliya ee Soomaalinimada iyo dowladnimada jecel, doqon weliba waxay doonto ha tidhaahdo, waa tee beesha ama deegaanka kale ee hayn lahaa dadka ay hayaan ganacsatada iyo shacabka deegaankaasi, dhaqaalaha dowladda ku meelgaadhka ah waxaa uu ka soo baxaa Hooyada miskiinta ah ee bakaaraha ku gadaysa Yaanyada, halka tii la midka ahayd ee joogtay gobollada kale cashuurteedu aanay soo gaadhin dowladda iyo ciidankeeda iyo baarlamaankeeda iyo wasiirdadeeda iyo gebi ahaan shaqaalaheeda, oo waa lala aamusay ee maamul weliba uu keligiis leexsaday, Muqdisho iyo dadkeedu iyagaa dowladnimada sabab u ah, hadday diidi lahaayeen oo wax walba dhihi lahaayeen sida dadka qaar haddaanay dan gaar ah iyo sedbursi noogu jirin yeeli mayno, maanta waxba may kala socdeen waxaan qoraalkayga qaybtiisa koowaad ku soo afjarayaa:

Geddii shacabku kaa rabay
Gobonimo u dirirkii
Gees martaye Shariifoow
Gaabgaabso socodkoo
Garan weyne xaalkiyo
Sida loo gorfeeyiyo
Sida loo guddoonshee
Intaan geeshku kugu kicin
Oon gaadde kugu bixin
Gurigaan iskaga guur
Dar guddoomin karayoo
Gedihiisa badiyaa
Goonyaahaga joogee
Gaasna waxaan ku odhan laa
Gaalkacaye maahiyo
Xaruntii garoowiyo
Gurigiina barrigee
Gole maamulaayiyo
Guddi baa u joogtoo
Gacan dhaafka daayoo
Garo talo wadaaggiyo
Federaalka guudiyo
Go’aankii aad keentee
Ha ka guban adeeroow
Nin weliba godkiisa
Iyo gobolka uu dego
Isagaa gudoonsha ah
Adigaa gorfeeyee ah
Isagay u gaar tahay
Gudaheeda xamariyo
Ganacsiga dhexdeeda ah
Maxaa adiga kaa galay?!
Gashigiyo cashuuraha
Maxaa adiga kaa galay?!
Gooshka soo degaayiyo
Garoonkiyo dekadahaba
Gurigiinii maahee
Maxaa adiga kaa galay?!
Haddii aad gadhwade tahay
Gurigaad ka timidiyo
Bal ka goob Garoowe
Gedigeed Puntlantaba
Gacalkaa cashuuroo
Ku gunee shaqaalaha
Ha laguu garaabee!

La soco qaybaha Danbe ………….

Waa Qalinkii & Hal-abuurki

Cabdiraxiin H. Galayr

Galayr1977@hotmail.com

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Ma is waydiisay… Waayadaan danbe Maamulada soo maray bulshadaas Sababta ay isku waddo u qaadaan, oo maamulada danbe isaga moose waayeen caqabadihii ka hor imanayey maamulkii ka horeeyey una keeni waayeen aragtiyo ka bedelan kuwii hore sidii ay caqabadahaas hor taagnaa horumarinta uga samata bixin laahaayeen bulshadaas ay madaxda u noqdeen markii maamulkii hore ay bedeleen…?

Ma is waydiisay… Dadka bulshadaas ka dhashay oo jagooyinka loo dhiibaa sida Wasiirada, Wasiiro ku xigeenada, Xoghayaasha, Xoghayaal ku xigeenada IWM miyaanay ku jirin Rag han leh oo ku fakara wax fiican qabo si beri ka maalin haddii Doorasho lagalo Jagadiisii ama mid ka wanaagsan uu u helo…?

Ma is waydiisay… Dadka qora maqaalada ama idaacadaha ka hadla ha noqoto radio ama tv waxa looga waayey inay wanaaga ka taliyeen oo eed maahee aan wax kale laga hayn, loogana la’yahay inay tusaale wanaagsan iyo talo dhaxal gal noqota baahiyaan… Talada ama hay ama walaalkaa hakuu hayo….?

Ma is waydiisay… Masiibada haysata Isamadii, nabadoonadii iyo Cuqaashii Bulshadaasi lahayd oo Badbaadada bulshadaas loogu caana shubay…kalmadda Nabadoon soo tii ahayd maaha Nabadayn Maxay ahaayeen Nabadoonadaan Colaada Hurinaya…kuwa ay dagaalka gelinayaan iyo kuwa dagaalka lagu qaadayo soo maaha duulkii awgood loogu caana shubay inay nabadooda ka shaqeeyaan….?

Maxay yihiin dadkaan aqoonta bartay oo qof Alla qofkaad waydiiso bulshadaani maxay ubaahantahay ku jawaabayaa wax qabad sida in ceelal loo qodo cusbitaalo, loo dhiso, wax barashada la kor dhiyo IWM…markaad tiraahdo sifiican bal uga fiirso isagoo xanaaq iyo islawayni ka muuqato ayuu kuugu jawaabaya jaahil aan waxba aqoon baad tahay…?

Walise mala yaabtay… Sababta kalliftay in nin kasta oo siyaasi sheegta bulshadaasna u dhashay waxa uu u daba taagan yahay siyaasiga kale ee isna bulshadaas u dhashay….. Muxuu ugu fekeraa sidii uu u dhaliili lahaa, eedayn lahaa, hanka iyo damiir kana uga dili lahaa iyo inuu bulshadaas utuso ruuxaasi inuu yahay ruux aan u qalmin jagadaas…?

Akhristaha qiimaha iyo qaayaha badanoow dadkii waayadaan danbe waxay u qayb sameen saddex nooc oo kala ah Danayste, Damdamle iyo Daacad. Saddexdaan nooc oo isku qawl iyo isku hu(dhar) ah sidaad ku kala saartaana adag tahay runtiina waa meesha salka uu ku hayo yatiiha haysta bulshadii isku asalka ahayd. Waxaanse isku dayayaa inaan toosh ku ifiyo ama ha if waynaado ama mid daciif ah ha ahaado togba taagtiis buu rogmadaa qofna garashadiisuu rog rogaa…

Damdamle… waa ruux malaasan oo aan codkar ahayn garasho iyo han fiican lahayn, haddana jecel inuu magac iyo karaamo helo, damiirse leh oo xumaato in reerkiisa ku timaado aan jeclayn ruux danayste oo hunguri badan aan ahayn.

Astaamaha lagu garan karo waxaa ka mida reer ama qabiil ama bulsho ama ururba markii ay arin isu taagaan oo damcaan inay sameeyaan wacyi ama fal is bedel ah oo ku saabsan arimaha bulshada, arimaha qabiilka arimaha waddanka nooc kastaba ha noqotee waxuu kaga jiraa safka hore isagoo kullifaaqan dadka wax qabanaya, ogoowna sida wax loo qabto iyo meel laga maro toona ma yaqaan. Wax kasta oo la qabto wuxuu jecel yahay in la yiraahdo isagaa ka danbeeyey ama qabtay, hadday suurta gal noqon waydo inuu amaantaas iyo libtaas helo ama dadku arkaan inuu wax ma tare yahay. Waxuu bilaabaa inuu ka shaqeeyo sidii uu isugu diri diri lahaa oo iskaga hor keeni lahaa dadkii wax qabanayey, oo hadba qofka la jooga amaano oo ku bogaadiyo hawsha uu qabtay kan markaas aan la joogina ku eedeeyo inuu yahay qof aan waxba qaban Karin oo lugooya ah. Danta uu ka leeyahayna tahay si aan loo garan amase loo arag inuu yahay weel maran oo aan garasho iyo codkarnimo midna lahayn, inta bandanna waxuu lugooyo iyo majo xaabis ku yahay dadka daacadda ah oo u heelan isbedelkaas, waxuuna afka uga gala danayste aan kala jeclayn dhibta isaga iyo ehelkiisa ku iman karta waxayna ehel wadaag ku yihiin danayste magac samaysiga iyo faanka…

Danayste… Sida kalmadda laga dhandhan sanayo ama macnaheedu qeexayo waa ruux aan xeerinayn wanaag iyo sharaf wax kastana ka hormarinaya dantiisa u gaarka ah aan kala jeclayn dhibaata kasta oo bulshadaas soo wajahaysa.

Dhaqamada uu leeyahay waxaa ka mid ah xishood la’aan iyo diin la’aan, markuu doonayo inuu gaaro dantiisa waxaa ka suurtowda inuu gato sharaftiisa oo gabadhii uu qabay uu u loogo rag kale inay la cawayso oo ka soo dhamayso danta ka gashay raggaas kale. Naxariis maleh haddii ay dantiisu gasho in la gumaado qoyska uu ka soo jeedo, isagaa uga hor maraya dadka gumaadka doonaya inay ku sameeyaan qoyskiisa ama qabiilka uu ka soo jeedo isagoo horboodaya qoyskiisaas oo aan laga garan Karin inuu yahay ruuxa u heellan dhibtaas reerka soo food saartay. Ma naxo oo haddii kuwa isagu dhalay ama ruux magac wayn lahaa oo reerkiisu aad u jeclaa ay aakhiro u jihaystaan, waxaa dhacda inuu isku dayo dhacdadaas naxdinta leh markay timaado isagoo tiiraanyo iyo murugo wajigiisa ka muujinaya inuu ololeeyo baroor diiq aan run ahayn isagoo dantiisu tahay in uu magac ka samaysto iyo kalsooni lagu amaano maalintaasina tahay maalin isaga farxad iyo damaashaad u ah markuu hadlayana waxaa afkiisa ka soo baxda inuu isu imaanshahaas murugada ah ku tilmaamo xaflad isagoo aan is ogayn… afkaa xada waxa uurka ku jira…

Wuxuu cadaawadaystaa ruux kasta oo u taagan danaha guud ee reerka, qabiilka iyo bulshadaba, waxuu afkiisa ka dhowraa inuu tilmaamo oo magaciisa soo qaado qofkii uu daacadnimo ku ogyahay. Waxuu soo dhowaystaa ruux kasta oo uu ku fushan karo mabaadiidiisa, waxuu samaystaa koox danaystayaal ah oo ay isku aragti danaysinimo ah wadaagaan oo ay isla jaan qaadi karaan iyo damdamle yaasha garashada ka malaasan oo aan garan karin dalluuntaas dheer ee danaystuhu u qodayo. Markuu isla helo koox ay isku mooqif yihiin ayeey bilaabaan sidii ay bulshada noocyadeeda kala duwan sida Isimada, nabadoonada, siyaasiyiinta, aqoonyahanada… ugu yeelan lahaayeen ashkhaas u heelan sidii ay u fulin lahaayeen damacoodaas danaysinimada ah.

Waxay bilaabaan olole aad u baaxad wayn oo ay ku qaadaan Isimada iyo Nabadoonada iyagoo adeeg sanaya danaysta yaasha aan hanka wayn lahayn iyo damdamlaha malaasan ee magac raadintu bohosha ka radiyaso. Duulkaas hunguri iyo magac raadisku u bahaloobay waxay bilaabaan eedo ay usoo jeedinayaan Isimada iyo Nabadoonada iyagoo ku eedaynaya in aysan cadaalad uga soo bixin arintii loo idmaday, eedaymo aan xad lahayn oo aan laga nasan aflagaado aan loo aaba yeelayn sumcad xumadeeda. Markii arimahaas foosha xun oo ay kula kaceen Isimadii iyo nabadoonadii sharafta mudnaa faafto oo ixtiraamkii loo hayey bulshadii badankeeda laga dhex waayo ayeey waxay gashadaan shaar ehelnimo oo soo bandhigaan afkaar Indho sarcaad ah oo ay bulshada ku sixraan iyagoo doonaya inay helaan Isimo iyo Nabadoono la fikir ah inay ka saxiixdaan bulshadaas ay jaah wareerka ku rideen.

In Qabiilkii battay oo ay ku faafeen degaano aad u kala fog lagama maarmaan tahay in la helo Isim kale oo caawiya lana shaqeeya Isimka guud ee qabiilkaas.
In Adduunkii is bedel baaxad wayni ku yimi oo Isimadii dhaqanku aanay la jaan qaadi karin loona baahan yahay Isimo aqoon wax barasho maadi iyo diinba leh.
In nabadoonadii hore wax qabadkoodii yaraaday iyadoo ay jilibyadii bateen oo gaareen qabiil kuna baaheen dhul baaxad wayn iyo isbedelada ay sababeen siyaasadahaan cusub oo aanay aqoon dheeraad ah u lahayn loona baahan yahay dhallinyaro fir fircoon oo xirfad u leh isbedelada siyaasada ku salaysan.

Waxaa dhacda in bulshadii jaah wareerka lagu soo riday ay arimahaas kor ku xusan ula muuqato inay tahay afkaar biyo kama dhibcaan ah oo loo baahan yahay. Taasina waxay keentay in beelo badani yeesheen Isimo iyo Nabadoono aan ahayn kuwii soo jireenka ahaa oo ilaa awoowe ka awoowe soo dhaxlay laguna qadarin jiray.

Markii ay koooxdii is biirsatay ee Danaystayaal iyo Damdamlayaal ku guulaystaan inay helaan Isimo iyo Nabadoono ay ka dhex sameeyeen bulshadii ayeey waxay bilaabaan inay ku khasbaan inay talada la garab maraan Isimadii hore iyo Nabadoonadii hore haddii ay aqbali waayaana ugu caga jugleeyaan in sidii ay u asaaseen ugala noqon doonaan oo rag kale ku bedeli doonaan. Meeshii bulshadii ka filaysay in xaajooyinkii guracnaa is bedelaan ayaa waxaa sii kororta in isku duubnidii iyo is ehelaysigii galo ciriiri ama la waayo oo kooxaysi cusub oo ka daran kii hore biloowdo isqabqab sigii iyo is eedayntii cirka isku shareerto.

Markii jaah wareerkaasi aad u xoogaysto ayaa danaytayaashii bilaabaan sidii ay u guran lahaayeen dheeftii ka dhaxaysay bulshadaas oo dhan iyadoon cidina farta ku fiiqi karin oo dadkii eegi lahaa ku mashquuleen xal u helidda is qabqabsi ka abuurmay Isamadii iyo Nabadoonadii kusoo kordhay bulshadaas.

Ku jeedinta iyo jaahwareer ka dhex abuuridda bulshada iyo Isimadu waa afkaar asalkeeda ka timi nidaamka hanti wadaagga iyo nidaamkaan dimiqoraadiga oo labaduba tiir dhexaadkoodu yahay qaybi oo iska horkeen iskuna jebi ka bacdina xukun.

Daacad… waa ruux Allah ka baqa oo iska ilaaliya waxii sharaftiisa wax u dhimaya iskana ilaasha xaqdarro inuu ku sameeyo ruux kale jecelna in bulshadaasi nabad, wax wada qabsi, sharaf iyo isu damqasho ehelnimo ay wadaagaan.

Waxaa lagu gartaa waxuu had iyo jeer ka gilgishaa xumaatada soo wajahda qoyska, reerka, qabiilka iyo bulshada uu ka dhashay ama la nool yahay markaas. Waagii hore qofka daacadda ahi wuxuu ahaa qofka loogu jecel yahay haddase wuxuu noqday qofka loogu neceb yahay sababtoo ah kooxaysi ma ogola, wada qaraabasho ma ogola, khayaamo ma ogola, kali cun ma ogola, ma aha Damdamle ma aha Danayste labadaas ayaana ugu neceb ruuxa daacadda ah waxayna ka dheereeyeen meel kasta oo bulsho isugu timaado iyagoo cay iyo been abuur ku fura. Waxay geed dheer iyo geed gaabanba u fuulaan sidii ay ku aasi lahaayeen ugana dheerayn lahaayeen bulshada.

Radiyoow yada tv yada adduunka waa ka mabnuuc maqaalada maqaalkiisa lama soo geliyo sababtoo ah runtuu taabanayaa radio webeb tv waaxaa iska leh duul kooxaysi salka ku haya ruuxa daacadda ahina u aaba yeeli maayo kooxdaad wadato iyo kooxaha kale labadaba qaladkooda iyo khayaamadooda banaankuu soo dhigayaa…

Markii meel kasta laga horeeyey oo layska ilaaliyey sidii ruux xanuunada faafa qaba ayaa dantu waxay gayeeysiisay inuu dalugle noqdo… (dalugle… waa qofka ciilka iyo caradu iyo qaracan la ildaran oo cidla joogga noqda… dulugle…waa kalmad loo isticmaalo neefka xanuunka la ildaran oo madluunka ah)

Alhristoow dhuux weerahaan hoose.

In Isimada iyo Nabadoonadu ay faraha kala baxaan arimaha ku lug leh Siyaasadda oo ku ekaadaan arimihii loo idmaday ee dhaqanka…
Dadka wax soo bartay waa in loo daayaa maamulka iyo kala hagidda

Imisa jeer ayaad maqashay….

Isimada iyo Nabadoonadu iyagaa ah Caymiskii shil baabuur ha noqoto naf xaqdaro lagu dilo ha noqoto dhib laysu haysto xallinteed ha noqoto beelo dagaal dhex maray dhex dheaxaadinteed ha noqoto…

Bal is waydiiyoo maxay faraha kala baxaan haddii dhibtii bulshada oo dhan iyagu xallinteeda sameeyaan….

Jawaabtu waa dheefta aan qabysanee hanagu soo faragshanina…

Garashadu soo tii Allah swtc bixin jiray maaha goormaa qof wax bartay bal dhuux bartay yacnii la baray noqday kala hage, dhex dhexaadiye, xal u raadiye IWM

Soot ii wax barashada la gayn jiray maaha yacnii iskuulada Doqonka, Macangaga, Afgarooca iyo waxii la midka ah ma warqad loogu magac daray shahaado ayaa doqonkii diric ka dhigaysa oo macangagii qof garqaata ka dhagaysa oo afgaroocii aftahan ka dhigaysa

Ogoow wax garad iyo aqoon yahan waa isku mid waana qofkii Allah swtc hibo usiiyo ee qallin bug laguugu xariiqay ama sabuurad maaha

Akhristaha qaayaha iyo qiimaha badanoow jawaabta suaalihii hore waxaan ku soo koobayaa

Haddii Isimadii iyo Nabadoonadii soo jireenka ahaa laga dhinac sameeyey Nabadoono iyo Isimo loogu talagalay in dano lagu fushado
Haddii wax garadkii layiri waa dadka wax soo bartay (aqoon yahano)
Haddii ruuxii Daacad ah uldheer laysaga fogeeyoHaddii Danayste iyo Damdamle bulshadii garwadeen u yihiin

In Isimadii iyo Nabadoonadii cusbaa colaad iyo muran dhex gashaan bulshadii wanaaga lahaan jirtay ilaa qarniyo yatiih inuu ku dhaco Soo iman mayso
In Maamulkii yimaadaa kii hore wadadiisii qaado oo maamulkii gacanta u galo duul aan waxba gooyn karin xalna keeni karin Soo iman mayso
In webebka, tv yada, raadiyada laga horeeye ruuxii daacad ah talo iyo wax isu sheegid la’aan Soo iman mayso
In Danayste iyo Damdamle muran iyo isqabqabsi hirgeliyaan Soo iman mayso

Eng Abdirashid Abdi Daad
Email:guurey@hotmail.com

4,5 ilaah kitaabka kuma sheegin ee waa mid cadaalo daro ku ah dhamaan umada Somali, ma cadaaladbaa 30 Hawiye, 30 Daarood, 30 Dir iyo 30 Digi iyo Mirif halka 15 ay yihiin inta dulman oo ah 65 % Qabiilo Somali??
Waxaa xusuus mudan in wax laga sheego in gumeeysiga cadi uu weligiisba raadinaayay sidii uu umadaan diinta uga fogeeyn lahaa, waxaa marna la iloobi-karin in dowladii dhalatay 1960 eey aheeyd mid calmaaniyada bilowgeedii ah oo aad u foolxumeeyd , midii ka danbeeysayna ee 1969 waxaa eey aheeyd calmaaniyad shuuciyada dadka waxaa lagu qasbayay mabaadiida Linin iyo Markis,waxii ka danbeeyayna waxaa dalkan ka dhashay calmaaniyiinta qabiilka ku dhisanoo burburisay kaabayaashii dhaqaalaha abuurayne burbur umadeed.
Waxaa xigay dowlad calamaaniyada qabiilka ee qaab dhismeedkeedana ahaa 4,5 waxaa wax laga naxa ha in maanta diiwaanka aduunka lagu qoray in Soomaali eey tahay afar qabiil iyo bar, hadaba waxaan dhihi lahaa waxaa jira wax yaabo aad u farao badan oo eey soomali ku heshiinkarto marka laga tago qabiilka.
Waxaa ugu sharfta badan oo eey soomaali ku heshiin kartaa diintooda Islaamka iyo sunadii nabigeena Maxed SCW, waxaa foolxuma ah in aan ku heshiino sharuucda laga soo maanguuriyay gaalada in dalkaan lagu dhaqo, waayo maaha sharuucdaa kuwa la jaan qaadikara umada ku dhalatay islaamka.
Duubabka ka yimid Puntland waa kuwa dhagarqabayaal ah oo dhawaan ansixiyay dastuurka dhaaquutka Puntland kaas oo aad ugu fog cadaalada shacuubta Puntland gaarahaan,guudahaane Somalida oo dhan, dib u fiiri dastuurka Puntland ee dhawaan la ansixiyay:
Qodobka 38aad – MUWAADINNIMADA
1. Qof kasta oo leh Jinsiyadda Puntland waa muwaaddin Puntland.
2. Muwaaddinka Puntland luminmaayo muwaaddinnimidiisa haddii uu qaato jinsiyad dal kale!!!!
Akhristow Duubabkii asnixiyay arimhaan kor ku qorani miyeey dhab ka tahay ansixinta dastuurka qabyo qoraalka, muwaadinimada Puntland iyo jinsiyasada Puntland ma aha wax qeexan oo Somalinimo isku soo jiidi kara,halkan waxaa ku cad in Puntland eeyan Somali ka tirsaneeyn.
Qodobka 39aad – WAAJIBAADKA MUWAADINKA
1. Muwaadin kasta waxaa waajib ku ah:
(b) Dhawridda diinta Islaamka, dastuurka iyo xeerarka kale ee dalka iyo kuwa caalamiga ah.
(t) Adkaynta midnimada ummadda iyo ilaalinta jiritaanka Qarannimada Puntland!
(j) Codbixinta xilliyada doorashooyinka.
(x) Bixinta canshuuraha ku waajibay.
(kh) Ka qaybgalka difaaca Puntland markii loogu yeero ama ay la soo gudboonaato.
2. Sharciga ayaa qeexaya ciqaabta lagu mutaysanayo gudasho la’aanta waajibaadka ku xusan qodobkan.
Akhristow sow ma cada in Puntland aayan ka mid aheeyn kuwa wax ka difaacaya qaranka Somalia balse aay yihiin kuwa meel iska dhigay difaaca qaranimada Somali iyo waajibaadka difaaca qaranka somali,sow ma aragtaan in Puntland tahay dowlad ka madaxbanaan Somalida inteeda kale.
Duubabkii ansixiyay qodobadaa sidee dalka,diinta iyo dadka loogu aamini karaa,maxeey u joogaan Muqdisho sow kuwa ku shaqeeya double moral standards maahan.
Teeyda anaa leh taadana kula lihi socn meeyso,Duubabka Puntland waa kuwii ku faraxsanaa duulaankii Xabashiga 2007 ee dalka Somali weli lama hayo mid ka damqaday dulaankii gumaadka la socday ee C/aahi Yusuf hormuudka ka ahaa,sidee loo aamina duligaa ???
Gumaadkii Muqdisho ee Ethiopianka qofkii ka damqan waayay miyeey kula tahay in aay ka naxayaan qaran ,dal iwm xaqiiqdii waa maya.
Kheyraadka dabiiciga ah iyo shirkadaha maalgashanaya iyo sida saamiga loo qeybsanaayo Puntland waxaa aay ku cadyahay dastuurka Puntland oo sheegayo in Kheyraadka dabiiciga ah ee Puntland aay Puntland oo kaliya xaq u leedahay aanan marna soo hadal qaadin dowlad dhexe iwm sida oo ale dastuurka qabyo qoraalka ma cadeeynayo habqeeybsiga kheeyraadka dalka Somali si cad.
Qodobka 109aad – BANKIGA DHEXE
1. Bankiga Dhexe waa hay’ad Dawladeed Madaxbannaan, wuxuuna u xilsaaran yahay:
(b) Hirgelinta siyaasadda lacageed ee Xukuumadda.
(t) Daabicidda lacagta.
(j) Bankiga Dhexe waa Khasnadda Dawladda (Government Treasury).
(x) Oggolaanshaha shirkadaha maaliyadeed ee gaarka loo leeyahay.
(kh) Kormeeridda shirkadaha maaliyadeed ee gaarka ah iyo kuwa guud ee Puntland ka hawlgala.
1. Bankiga Dhexe waxaa hawlihiisa haga Guddi Maamul (Board of Directors) oo ka kooban toddoba (7) xubnood oo kala ah:
(b) Guddoomiyaha Bankiga Dhexe.
(t) Agaasimaha Guud ee Wasaaradda Maaliyadda.
(j) Agaasimaha Guud ee Wasaaradda Ganacsiga.
Duubabkii dhaqan geliyay dastuurka Puntland ee qodabadiisa kor xusan yihiin maxeey Muqdisho ka sameeynayaan sow ma qumana in dib loogu celiyo Puntland marba haddii aay goéen,xalaal iyo xaaraan waa la kala garanayaa balse teeyda anaa leh taadana kula lehi socn meeyso.
Kuwa xaqa rumeeyow noqda kuwa u istaaga darta Eebe oo ku marag kaca caddaalada yeeyna idinku xambaarin caro qoom in aaydan caddaalad falin ,caddaalada fala iyadaa u dhaw dhawrsashada Ilaah kana dhwrsada Ilaaheey Ilaah waa ogyahay waxa aad faleeysaan.
Halkas ayaad ka aragtaa in 4,5 wax la dhahaa aayan jirin balse umada aay tahay kuwa siman .
Waxaan ku soo gaba gabeeynayaa tixdii cajiibka aheeyd ee uu tiriyay Cabdulle Raage:
Inta doqon fariid yahay, darajana qabiil tahay, dabaalna uu wax garad yahay,dambiilane garsoor yahay, dulmine xaqa ka mudan yahay, dablene janan ka adag yahay, in aan tiriyo deeleey dareenkeeyga ma ogola, ( Waa erayadii abwaankii Cabdulle Raage Ilaah u naxariistee mar hada laga joogo kudhawaad 40 sanno)
Dr.Ali.A.Hirabe – Hirabe_a@hotmail.com

So when the Somali people spoke out against not only the draft constitution but also against the roadmap, the international community issued a press release designating any Somalis who oppose the draft constitution as “spoilers” with potential undisclosed consequences. This will lead to the radicalization of the society and will surely shift support to the extremist groups like Al-Shabaab.

Some allege that the International Community is more interested in to showcase for the outcome of the $60 million spent on the draft constitution than the quality of the future supreme law of a nation, whereas the Somali people oppose it for various reasons including as it stands this draft constitution polarizes Somalia further and is a recipe for renewed civil war. Moreover, Somalis want to have a say on the draft constitution as this represents the potential document that will guide future generations to maintain harmonious social and political life.

Since the collapse of the Somali government in 1990, the Somali people have been struggling to imagine an alternative system of government, one that is just and acts according to the will of the people. In this effort, the Independent Federal Constitution Commission (IFCC) has been created and many conclude today that this commission has failed completely to produce a document that can be embraced by the masses. Many inSomaliafeel that major constitution making principles such as defining the principal players; public participation and transparency have all been violated and instead of seeking public support, tactics such as misinformation, arm-twisting and threats are employed.

The IFCC could have drawn analysis from the experience ofSouth Africain terms of the constitution making process as SA experienced decades of political violence. For instance, in SA, there were preliminary discussions and negotiations between the Afrikaners, the Nationalist Party and the ANC prior to the constitution making process, and in the end an interim constitution similar to Somalia’s Transitional Federal Charter was adopted by all, which mandated the formation of constitutional assembly to draft a permanent constitution within two years. When the Assembly was formed it undertook a major outreach and educational effort to solicit opinions about the constitution. The public responded with two million submissions for over two years, whereas inSomaliathe public was never consulted during the constitution making process or during the last eight years of drafting the constitution.

In this respect, the IFCC was very much silent on disseminating information and creating awareness and educational pamphlets pertaining to the draft constitution, not only that but Somalia’s constitution making process was kept in secrecy, it is only now that the recently formed committee of experts (CoE) started token consultation with the public with little input and little participation and this only coincides with the agenda to end the transition and to merely show the international community that the public was consulted.

With so much at stake in the lives of the Somali people and the future of the Somali state, many skeptics point to several short-comings of this draft constitution. According to the new constitution, the system of governance to be adopted should be based on federalism, mandating the creation of states. Accordingly, the existing 18 regions have no legal basis within the context of the new constitution. To qualify for a state status, two or more regions must form a political community. Yet, the capacity for any region to organize its political life has been incapacitated by the deterministic approach of the International Community to the Somali conflict. With the recent flare-ups of civil strife in the regions of Sool and Sanaag, the only entity, Puntland that had claimed to have fulfilled “the state conditions” under the new constitution is now also in question; hence it begs to ask, in the absence of states in Somalia what states are to be federated?

From our perspective, the needs of the Somali people to overcome past governance deficiencies and authoritarian injustices could have been met by having a unitary system with decentralized regional autonomy that brings self-governance to rural districts and municipalities. This is what all Somalis are yearning for and not the vague federalism in the draft constitution.

Moreover, Constitution making process is undertaken normally after negotiated settlement is reached by parties to the conflicts, so as to iron out major differences and address areas of contention and disagreements in the constitution, in the case of Somalia, none of that nature took place or even was there an acknowledgement of past grievances.

In addition, the transparency, openness and the participatory nature that is required by the draft constitution was compromised by the hastily introduced roadmap, which consequently morphed the draft constitution as part and parcel of the roadmap to end the transition rather than treating the draft constitution as a sacred document for the people by the people.

Continuation on the denial and arm-twisting path will only guarantee the continuation of the current political turmoil and may in fact lead to a new revolt against the foreign forces inSomaliaand will undoubtedly and unnecessarily continue to shed blood inSomalia. The priorities for the Somali people are clear: a strong Somali state, at peace within and with its neighbours. Weakening the Somali state and designing divisions in the form of new states inSomaliais not the answer. Regional and donor priorities should be urgently re-evaluated.

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Abdi Dirshe is a political analyst and is also the current President of the Somali Canadian Diaspora Alliance. Contact Abdi at a.dirshe@hotmail.com

ABSTRACT

The subjectfor this book is the political crisis in Somalia during 1960-2012 which culminatedin civil strife between 1969 and 31 December movement in 1990-2012. The purposeis to explain the instability in relation to Somalia’s confessional politicalsystem. I scrutinize the conflict in light of the consociational/consensusmodel which scientist in comparative politics envisage as a preferable solutionfor deeply divided societies. To do so, I highlight theconsociational/consensus features in Somali‘s constitutions (National Pact,2004, and Garowe Agreement, 2012) and relate those to 2012 crisis and compareit to previous crisis as well. To fulfill my aim I need to answer twoquestions: what is the cause to the conflict in Somalia? Can instability beexplained by inadequacy of the political system?

The methodemployed, is comparative case study where the comparison is made with the previouscrises in 1969 and 1991-2012. My research suggests that Somali politicalsystem, in general, but in Somalia manner, satisfies consociational/consensusconditions in terms of veto, proportional representation, autonomy and broadcoalition.

I find thatthe crisis during those years is due to expulsion of two fundamentalconfessions which violates the broad coalition criteria and consequently ruledout any veto possibilities in politics decision-making. Two government’s decisionconcerning security matters was considered to be an existential for a maingroup (Islamist), answers for the immediate fights in Mogadishu.

Key words: Consensus Democracy, Somalia’sConstitution, National Pact, Garowe Agreement, Civil War, confession.

National economist (cilmiga dhaqaallaha siyaasadda)
Haji Awes, Abdikader
haji.awes@gmail.com

Waa hubanti in ruux kasta oo Soomaaliya meel kasta ha joogee in aanuu diidaneyn in uu arko Soomaaliya oo wada kulansata nabad iyo Dowladnimo ay u madax banaan yihiin,balse halka la isku maandhaafsan yahay waa Siyaasadda guud, Dastuurka dalka, sida loo soo diyaariyay, cidda ansixineysa,qaabka la qorsheynayo in looga guuro KMG-ka, iyo tan ugu daran oo ah in kooxo badan oo damac siyaasadeed lihi ay aad u tuhmayaan, in Siyaasiyiin kooban oo qura ay farahooda ka muuqdaan qalinkii lagu saxiixay dhamaan qoraaladda la doonayo in lagu dhaqo mustaqbalka dhow siyaasad ahaan Soomaaliya,

Tan iyo markii lagu soo kala kacay shirkii caalamiga ahaa ee 23-kii Febraayo lagu qabtay Britain, waxaa muuqanaya in hogaamiyayaasha Soomaalida ee ka qeyb galay kulankaasi loo soo diray Imtixaan shaqo guri ah,kaaso oo la doonayo in ay uga soo jawaabaan ugu danbeyn 20-ka Ogost ee sanadkan, oo ku beegan xiliga loo calaamadeeyay ka bixitaanka KMG-ka aan ku jirno,

Dhanka kale, wey cadeeysteen madaxda Dowladda KMG ahi in aaneey xiiseyneyn, in ay ku mashquulaan xalinta khilaafka kala qeybiyay Mudanayaasha Baarlamaanka KMG ah,si howl kasta oo la qabanayo loogu helo sharciyo lagu meel mariyo, maadaama qodobada hor yaala uu ka mid yahay in bartamaha bishan la dhiso baarlamaan ka kooban 225 mudane, halkaa waxaa ka soo muuqanaya murano ku qotoma, sida loo soo xulayo Baarlamaanka cusub, cidda soo xuleysa, Sharciyadda loo marayo, iyo waxa laga yeelayo Baarlamaankii hore oo la ogsoon yahay in qeyb ka mid ahi ay mudooyinkaan danbe ahaayeen buddo gooni u tuman, kuwaasoo si cad cod dheer ugu sheegay in ay ka soo horjeedaan dhamaanba howlaha siyaasadeed ee ay gardaadinayaan madaxda Dowlada KMG ah iyo Ampassador Mahiga,

Sidoo kale Hogaamiyayaasha dowladda KMG ah, iyo Diplamaasiyiinta shisheeye ee howsha la wadaahi, ma doonayaa in ay dhagahooda u furaan diidmadda ka soo kala yeereysa, qaar ka mid ah beelaha Soolaamiyeed, Siyaasiyiinta, Xisbiyada, Maamul goboleedyada, Culumaa’udiinka Waxgaradka iyo guud ahaan bulshada saluugsan sida ay wax u socdaan,
Ma jiro qof wax ku kordhin kara ama ka dhimi kara hanaanka siyaasadeed ee iminka socda, maadaama Britain si cad loogu soo qeexay howsha la qabanayo iyo waqtiga ay ku eg tahay,waase suurta gal hadda iyo mudadda lagu guda jiri dowladda soo socto in wax laga faragaliyo dastuurka lagu muran san yahay,waloow ansixintiisa loo igmaday odayaal dhaqameedyo la sheegay in aas aas laaga dhigay howsha kala guurka ah,ma sahlana iyana muranka daba taagan sida, Jiritaankooda, sharci ahaanshahooda dhaqameed, cidda soo xuleysa, sida ay wax u xuli doonaan,sida ay go,aamadooda ugu qancin karaan beelahooda, fahamka ay u leeyihiin Dastuurka iyo siyaasadda socota iyo qodoba kale,

Dadka rog rogaa siyaasadda Soomaaliya waxa ay ka muujinayaan xaaladda wal wal, waayoo Dalku waxa uu ku sii siqayaa xaalad siyaasadeed oo adag, waxaa laga guurayaa meel waxaana loo guurayaa meel kale,oo ay dadka soomaaliyeed iloobeen 20 -kii sano ee la soo dhaafay ku dhaqmideeda, waxaa jira dad badan oo aan kalsooni badan ku qabin waxa lagala kulmi doono meesha loo guurayo,

Dhankasta waxaa ka soo yeeraya qeyla dhaan iyo hadalo is mud mudaya, waxaa kaloo jira digniino ka soo kala baxaya beesha Caalamka iyo Dowladda KMG ah, kuwaasoo kala abaaraya in cidii ka hortimaada waxa soconaya laga qaadi doono tilaabo adag iyo in aan dalka lagu qaban karin shirar ka soo hor jeeda geediga siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya, iyo dhanka dhinacyada wax tabanaya oo caro ka muujinaya digniinahaa iyaga quseeya una turjuntay in la caburinayo fikirkooda,

Markase aad u fiirsatid sida dag daga ah ee ay wax u socdaan, xiligan la hadal hayo in uu yahay kal guur,waxaa kuu soo baxaya in la dirirayo fulinta balantii Britain,sidaa daraadeedna aanuu jirin ruux waqti u haya uu kaga dhageysto ruux kale doodihiisa uu ku durayo siyaasadda socota, maadaama go,aanada lala wadaago Soomaalida,

Waxaase si weyn loo wada sugayaa, indhahana loogu wada hayaa, sida ay siyaasiyiinta Soomaalidu uga soo jawaabaan su’aalihii Britain iyo sida ay isaga caabiyaan dabeylaha siyaasadeed iyo isbadalada is daba jooga ah ee la filayo in ay soomaaliya ka curtaan 90-ka cisho ee soo socota, qofna ma saadaalin karo waxa dhici doona, waxaase lagama maarmaan ah muran kastaa ha jiro, kooxi si gaara marada hoosteeda wax ha ugu qarsato, kuwa kaloo macna garanayaa ha ku diideen, muraad shisheeye halaga uriyo meesha, ama mugdi iyo male male ha laisku maandhaafee in aan marna meesha laga saarin MASLAXADDA SHACABKA IYO MIDNIMADA DALKA.

Qalinkii

:- Abdukadir Mohamed Farah {dulyar}
Dulyar21@hotmail.com
Muqdisho, Soomalia.

Malaha ciddii aan ka dhashay geela baadi doon kiisa uun bay u jirabi jireen naftooda. Sida ka muuqata meeriskaan.(Walee geel jeclaantaan uqabo waw jirabi ruuxa) waanse ka badalnahay anigguye muu ahayn geel,lo’a iyo arri toona waxaan u dhalan dhoolay oo aan u jirabay ruuxa afkayga hooyo, oo uu ku dhacay cudur la yiraahdo Dhimaal malaha dhaqaatiir tiisu maaha kuwa daweeya Dameeraha iyo Fardaha ay sheegtay Khadra Daahir Cigge, ee waa kuwa daweeya cudurkaan dilaaga ah ee inuu dabar gooyo doonaya ciddii aan kadhashay.

Dhalan dhool kaygii waxaan ka bilaabay magaalo la yiraah do Eskilstuna 12:09 Duhur nimo waxaan raacay tareen ku fiican baadi doonka, malaha haddii lagu sahmin lahaana noqon lahaa mid lagu gaari karo dhul rays iyo ramaas leh oo ku wanaagsan daaqsinta dagsiimadduna ay dhaanta dooda dheeli lahaayeen. Markaanse xaalku sahan muu ahayne baadi doon ayaan ahaa oo aan doonayay dhaqaatiirtii dawada haysay, farxadise waxay dhaba nadaydii guduudisay markaan arkay dawadii aan kusoo dhalan dhoolay oo dadka lala baryaayo, waxayse dhaba nadii durbadiiba isu badaleen madaw dugul ah iyo waliba iyagoo kaduudmay naxdin awgeed.

Waxaan ku farxay markaan la kulmay dhaqaatiir tii oo uu ugu sareeyay Proff Abwaan Dhaqtar Siciid Saalax Axmed, Maxammad sh xassan, Cabdicasiis ali xildhibaan,Sacaadatu wasiir Cabdi faarax Juxa, Sakariye M Isticmaar,Sahra kooshin iyo Warsan cismaan saalax. Waxaan bilaabay inaan kusoo ordo dhaqaatiirta anigga oo aan awoodin hadal badan iyo salaan ee uu yahay waxa ii muuqdaa wixii aan usoo dhalan dhoolay oo ah dawadii cidayda, anigoo ku fakarsan toloow siddee baad ulla dagdagi karaysaa cidaadii baadidii way kuu muuqataaye, ma baalal ayaad yeela taayoo waad ula haaddaa mise cifriid kii nabi Sulaymaan ilbiriq sigga carshiga ugu keenay ayaad u dhiibtaa, mayse dhicin.

Waxaa dhacday oo aanan ogayn in anigga laftaydu uu ihayo cudurku oo aan u baah nahay kaalmo dagdag ah oo ay noqotayba in lay jiifiyo si kolka hore anigga lay daweeyo, kolkaa ka gadaalna baadidii u celiyo cidaydii si ay ugu dawoobaan. Waxaase wajigu dugul madaw inoqday iina ka duudmay kolkaan arkay dhaqaatiir ku shaqay naya iskaa wax uqabso dawaduna ay tahay billaash mase ay dhicin in la helo wax dawada qaata ama dhaqaatiirta cudurka u sheegta si loo daweeyo.

Waxaan fursad u helay inaan la kulmo wasiirka wasaaradda waxbaradhada mudane Cabdi Faarax Juxa oo aanan aqoon durug san u lahayn nasiibkuse igu beegay inaan lakulmo. Waxaa dhacaysay markii hore inaan ahaa mid mucaarad ku ah isaga iyo xukuumadiisa laakiin barasho gadaalkeed waxaan ogaaday shaqsigan inaan lagga helayn bulshada uu la nool yahay. Waxaa igalay dareen ah inaan leenahay amaba ay wali jirraan shaqsiyo siddaa u dun wanaagsan oo ciddeena ka mid ah.

Waxaan kaloo aan fursan duhelay inaan soo gato buug aad qaali u ah oo magaciisa la yiraahdo Taxaha Taariikhda Soomaaliya oo uu qoray shaqsi aad aqaali u ah oo aan siin lahaa aniggu shaqsiga qarniggaan Labaatanaad waase hadaad ila garataan abaal marintaase. Waa Cabdicasiis Cali Ibraahim Xildhibaan.

Waxaan kusoo gunaanadayaa cidaydaydu waa Soomaali waxa ka lumay ee aan u dhalan dhoolayna waa Afkeena hooyo ee u ah afafka kale sidda Sixintu Sugaba intiisa kale uga sarayso isaguna uu sidaa oo kale uga sareeyo. Waxaanse doonay inaan dawada wax idinka soo gaarsiiyo ama aan idiinku til maamo meesha laga helo dhaqaatiir tuna joogaan aad is wadayseene.

Jaabir xuseen Gacayte
Email. ( Yaarabi-janah@hotmail.com) Fb Jaber Gaeyte

After the establishment of this glorious Arab Caliphate, the Salaaf intend to annihilate all non-Arab cultures and languages in the Middle East and North Africa, including the extermination of Israel and Jews everywhere. As for Kurds, Turks, Berbers, Iranians, Pakistanis, Somalis and Blacks they will be put in their rightful place as foot soldiers and auxiliaries for a Holy War (Jihaad) of conquest on the Christian West. The Caliph will without question be an Arab. While the Salaaf I met were not honest enough to be clear, they much rather preferred vagueness through such euphemisms as “the Khalifa” (Arab Dominion), “the Brotherhood” ( subservience of non-Arab Muslims to Arab rule), the “the glorious Arab language and culture” (cultural genocide of others languages and customs) their answers said it all.

Yet, what was really interesting that afternoon about this assortment of breaded Egyptians, Palestinians, and Gulf Arabs milling around inside the mosque was not just the righteous conviction that each held, but the vocal statement that the Ummah ( Muslim countries and peoples) were in need of thorough cleansing. The Salaaf said repeatedly the Ummah had to be cleansed from all forms of Western education, ethnic nationalism, non-Islamic history and cultural expressions. Other than Arab societies, everyone else was in need of deep cleansing. Since the Salaaf believed these contradicting points, it was obvious that there was a distinct fusing of Arab nationalism, chauvinism and outright racism toward others.

Engaging them in a discussion about diversity within the Ummah ( past and present) was futile. They were not interested that non-Arabs had ruled in the past; they were dismissive that many of the early Islamic scholars such as Al-Bukhari and Ibn Battatuta were for Africa and Asia. Instead, it was clear that the Salaafi Arabs deeply held that all non-Arabs, especially blacks were not only essentially “lost” and “inferior” due to retaining “backward” traditional cultures, languages, and customs— but were in desperate need to be taught “the right way”. Therefore, it was the self-appointed duty of the Arab Salaaf “Inheritors” to make sure Somalis, Nigerians, and all Africans ( but interestingly not Arabs) prayed correctly, behaved properly and adopted true Arab culture. When speaking of Somalis in particular, the Salaaf had only contempt for them. For them Somalis were not only odd, but insolent for retaining distinct language and culture. In their hatred of Somali, the Salaaf showed that there is no pluralism or tolerance of other Muslims, races and cultures in their worldview. In the world of the Salaaf and AlQaeda, the Arab is the saviour, sovereign and preserver of true Islam.

In fact, a person is either an Arab and thereby racially blessed or an outsider and thereby an enemy. The non-Arab Muslim is inherently inferior despite being “saved”. Perversely, Arab Christians are deemed to be closer to the Salaaf than Somalis due to racial and cultural affinity. What of the blacks among them? The young Somalis and Sudanese I saw in London among the Arab Salaaf had been made thorough to despise and hate their own peoples and cultures to the point of disassociation.

So is it any surprise to see what Alqaeda is doing in Somalia now? In light of this fact, is it really any wonder today that many young Somalis are butchered and brainwashed by the Arab Salaafi terrorists inside Somalia and in Western countries? The Arab Salaafi I met in London in 2005 who hated non-Arabs and their cultures are now able to orchestrate the massacre of thousands of innocent Somalis under the name of Islam. Unfortunately, history shows it is only black peoples who have always been made to sacrifice for Arab dominion from Libya, Egypt, Sudan, Mauritania , Morocco, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen to Somalia we are all paying for the search of Arab dominion!

By: Dr. M. Omar Hashi
wadijir@hotmail.com

Prof. Mamdani, Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia and Burundi have troops in Somalia. It is the first time Kenya has troops in a foreign country. What do you think are the implications of militarisation of the region?

Let us step back a little to understand the basic problem with the present strategy which is looking for a military solution in Somalia. The problem becomes clear if you look at Northern Uganda.

One of the biggest achievements of NRM was the use of a broad-base government for those who would give up armed struggle. Even leaders, not just remnants from the Idi Amin regime, but of the Obote II and Okello administrations, were welcome in the broad-base. But the NRM closed the door when it came to the political north. They refused a political solution when it came to the leadership of Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony. The north could have its representatives in parliament but the NRM insisted that the solution for the region must be military. Uganda’s challenge today lies in finding a political solution to the Kony problem. Even when Kony has no more than a few hundred fighters around him, the LRA has become a justification for the entry of US forces in the region, leading to its militarisation.

Everybody knows the solution in Somalia is political not military. Even if there is a military victory in Somalia, it will not be sustainable without a political solution. Every attempted military solution in Somalia has made the problem worse because it has ignored the centrality of the political dimension. We all know that the Union of Islamic Courts was beginning to turn around the situation in Somalia. It was creating law and order yet it was branded some kind of al Qaeda and demonised by the US. The military intervention instead created the political space for al Qaeda to come in. It pushed those in the Union of Islamic Courts unwilling to capitulate into a corner. As they became desperate for allies, al Shabaab was born; which is still more an umbrella of various groups than a single solid organisation.

Secondly I think there is a competitive element in this regional bid for Somalia. There is a competitive element to militarisation, South Sudan has shown that there is a peace dividend and commercial one after war. The Ugandan officials have been asking what’s going on since Uganda supported the war but the oil refinery is going to Kenya. We seem to be in place in times of war but clueless when the guns go silent.

What are the implications for Uganda’s involvement in Somalia?

I think the Congo war introduced some element of jealousy in the Ugandans. They envied the military capacity of Angolans and Zimbabweans. Uganda wanted to be the Angola of this part of the world but did not have the means, which for Angola came from oil. Uganda solved the problem by finding an ally in the US. Thus was born the Somalia project. I think Uganda’s military presence in the region is pegged on that. Somalia is Uganda’s claim that we have a solution for your security concerns in the region. It fits very nicely with the American claim that the primary problem of Africa is not development, nor democracy, nor even the lack of human rights, but security.

Do you think the East African Community countries will be able to secure political federation by 2014 as projected?

No it’s not possible. I think you have to look at the 1970s to understand why the community collapsed. It’s not true that the arrival of Amin led to the collapse of the community. Problems began very soon after independence. Kenya had been the headquarters of the Community during the colonial period. The common services were centralised in Kenya; the Common Market had a Kenyan flavour. So Tanzania, joined by Uganda then, asked for a decentralisation of industries. Thus was born the 1964 Kampala agreement whereby each country was allocated a specific industry producing for the region. But there was no way of punishing a country for flouting the rules. Tanzania began the Tanzam (Tanzania-Zambia) railway financed by the Chinese. To finance the local cost of the Railway, there was an agreement allowing Chinese goods preferential access to the Tanzanian market, even if this flouted common market rules. It began a tit for tat, and partners became competitors, then rivals. Tanzania under Nyerere was beginning to move southwards. The challenge for EAC is that Tanzania is not willing to enter into federation because it does not think its interests will be achieved. The Tanzanians have legitimate political concerns. Uganda and Kenya have to come up with assurances. It may be better to think of a confederation as a first step to a federation.

What do you think of Rwanda and Burundi presence in the EAC?

I think it is a good thing for them and for us. It would be great for Rwanda because it has been unable to come up with a solution to the political trauma after the genocide. You cannot ban the Hutus and Tutsis from organising themselves in a situation where Hutu and Tutsi have operated as mobilising identities for political parties. You can only do this as part of a power-sharing project. I think Nyerere understood this. So did Museveni if you judge from his willingness to follow Nyerere’s leadership in Burundi. If Rwanda was accepted in a much larger community where the competition is no longer between Hutu and Tutsi, they will both be minorities in a larger East Africa. The larger the group, the more the necessity for alliances. In this world you cannot exist alone.

South Sudan is on tension with Khartoum. What are the implications on Uganda and EAC if the two countries fight? Don’t you think Uganda would be dragged into the war?

It will not just be dragged into the war; Uganda is likely to see it as a continuation of the war of liberation. The problem between the two Sudans is more serious than the conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia. We need to look at the background to understand the reasons for the current fighting. Garang had this idea of New Sudan. He understood that for South Sudan to win the fight for independence he had to find allies. He found these in Darfur and South Kordofan. The people in these border regions were mainly opposed to the independence of South Sudan; they thought it a betrayal to the larger cause of a New Sudan.

Immediately after independence SPLA was divided; one group saying Sudan is a foreign state and it is not our business now, the other group was saying no; we have a political commitment to support our allies in South Kordofan. The big fight in South Kordofan is about the SPLA; they have forces fighting alongside militias in South Kordofan against the Sudan army, and Sudan is saying this is an invasion. It is a serious conflict. In the Mbeki mediation, South Sudan wanted to focus on oil first but Sudan was calling for a focus on border demarcation so they can patrol the border against SPLA infiltration. South Sudan refused.

Why?

Because they had soldiers on the other side of the border; that would mean withdrawing from South Kordofan, Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile. These are part of Sudan.

Kenya has found oil, Uganda has oil and Tanzania has gas. What do you think will be the implications of this on the politics and economies of these countries?

It is going to be a big challenge especially in Uganda where the entry of oil money coincides with the politics of succession. All the factions, even inside the NRM, all are preparing for succession and all are aware that the inflow of oil is likely to coincide with succession. So we will have the toughest challenge because we will be making a transition to an oil economy alongside a political transition. I think Kenya is in a better situation because in spite of the levels of corruption there, Kenyans have shown an internal capacity for political reform; just look at their ability to reform the Constitution and tame the power of the executive. The problem in Kenya is the ICC process which has introduced an external element. The ICC has no political accountability inside the country; its political accountability is to the UN Security Council.

What do you think are the risks of the ICC indictment and prosecution to Kenya?

We know the violence in the Rift Valley was tied to social issues like right of land ownership. One side says land is a tribal right. The other side says land is marketable and can be bought and sold by any Kenyan. Thus it is the right of a citizen. This is the same notion that is playing out in Darfur: who owns the land, is it tribal or national? The problem is you cannot solve the social question in the courts. You cannot even solve the political problem in the courts. The ICC will try individuals, and leave Kenya to solve the political and social problems. Will the selective trial of particular politicians, and not others, make the political problem worse?

What social and economic implications will oil discovery in the region have on the fast tracking of EAC integration?

The weaker the institutions the bigger the challenges; the fast tracking of the EAC is more of a media gimmick. No one wants to be against the EAC in public. So there is no public debate, which is for the worse.

Rwanda and Uganda have been at each other’s throat but they seem to have fairly improved their relations. Do you think it will last?

Museveni has always had a good sense of knowing which way the wind is blowing and he can change in response to the change in wind. Some conclude from this that he has no principles; others say that he is pragmatic. He changes with the demands of the circumstances. I think Museveni has demonstrated a remarkable ability to see things from a medium term perspective and to act in an interest larger than just individual.

So what wind did he see?

He can’t afford to be overthrown. Museveni claims that Uganda has a disciplined and effective military force. This is the claim he is trying to establish in Somalia. But this claim was successfully challenged in Congo. The UN accused both Uganda and Rwanda armies of corruption in Congo. The difference was that the beneficiaries in the Ugandan case were individual officers but in Rwanda it was the state. That tells you the difference in institutional discipline between the two.

Global

Tell us your feelings about the Occupy Movement in the West and what does it say about the structural tensions inherent in post-cold war capitalism?

The interesting move is that the West is learning from the rest. The Occupy Movement was an effect of the Arab Spring in Egypt. They were inspired by Tahrir Square. The history of protest in the West as elsewhere is very long. Protests were an event: people would come to a particular place, make or listen to speeches, sing, march, and then go home. The new thing about Occupy Movement is go to a place and stay there. The idea was for a small dedicated group to maintain a constant presence, like a magnet which could attract others as supporters.

By Andrew Mwenda and Mubatsi A. Habati
The Independent

Shabelle waxaa maamulkeeda sheegta nin lagu magacaabo C/maalik Yuusuf Maxamuud oo ku magac dheer (Cabdi Jiis), waxaana xiligan ku noolyahay dalka Ingiriiska iyadoo uusan waxba ka aqoon saxaafada, waxaana C/maalik uu kamid ahaa hogaamiye kooxeedyadii dalka dhibaatada ka geystay.

Idaacada isku badashay jago raadisnimada waqti xaadirkan waxaa agaasime ka ah wiil aad u da’yar oo mar ahaan jiray farsamayaqaaniinta idaacadaasi ugu tayada yaraa oo aan wax dabeecad ah ku dhex laheyn shaqaalaha, kaasi oo lagu magacaabo Ibraahim Yare magacaba ka garo da’diisa.

Aan u soo dhaadhaco dulucda mowduucayga anoo hor dhaca qoraalkeyga uga danlahaa in aan dadka baro cida Shabelle magaceeda ku qaraabata iyo kuwa naftooda ku haligaya ee Muqdisho ka howlgala.

Bartamihii sanadkii 2010-ka Shabelle waxa ay habeen madoow ka guurtay suuqa Bakaaraha oo xarunteedu aheyd iyadoo waqtigaasi ay halkaa maamulayeen Kooxda Al Shabaab, waxaana ay degtay xeendaabka dowladda oo managalyo siisay gaar ahaan guriga Imgrationka oo u dhow garoonka diyaaraha ee Aadan Cadde.

C/maalik oo aan Muqdisho cagta dhigin sanado badan ayaa bilowgii 2011-kii waxa uu tagay magaalada Muqdisho, xiligaas waxaa idaacada uu magacaabanyahay maamul ka ahaa nin lagu magacaabo C/rashiid Qasse, dhowr qof oo shaqaalihiisa kamid ahaa ayuu sida caadadiisa ahba shaqada ka joojiyay xiligaas oo shaqaalahu ay ahaayeen kuwa Target ama bartilmaameed uu ahaa Al Shabaab.

Hotelka Naasa-hablood oo ku yaala nawaaxiga KM-4 ayuu subax walba shirar kula yeelan jiray dhowr Odayaal oo kamid ah beesha uu ka dhashay ee Habar Gidir, Ceyr Cabsiiye, waxaana uu raadinayay jago wasiirnimo sida ay Kkashife.com u sheegeen qaar kamid ah shaqaalaha Shabelle ee mushaar la’aanta qaarkood ku shaqeeya, hase ahaatee arintaasi way u suuro geli wayday oo waa uu ku hungoobay.

C/maalik markii uu arkay in uu hungoobay jagadaaasi ayuu dib isaga laabtay dalkii uu ka yimid ee Ingiriiska, waxaana uu xiligaasi kadib bilaabay in uu si toos ah iyo si dadbanba ula dagaalamo DKMG ee Soomaaliya, waxaana warbixintii ugu horeysay ee dacaayad ah ay aheyd markii ay qoraan “Dekeda Muqdisho oo isu badashay dekedii Ceelmacaan”

Xaalka ayaa isku badalay ka daroo dibi dhal markii isbuucyo ka hor ay si toos ah Shabelle u weerartay gudoomiyaha gobolka Banaadir ahna duqa magaalada Muqdisho Maxamuud Axmed NuurTarsan oo la wada ogyahay in uu qabtay howlo badan oo gobolka Banaadir lagu hormarinayo.

Maxey yihiin waxyaabaha uu Tarsan ku soo kordhiyay gobolka Banaadir ….?

Guddoomiye Maxamuud Axmed Nuur Tarsan waxa uu ku guulaystay:-

1: In mudo 20 sano kadib uu wadooyinka Muqdisho Nalal ku xiro islamarkaana ay gaadiidka shaqeeyaan xiliyada habeenkii ah.

2: Waxa uu ku guulaystay in ay dib u howlgalaan ciidamadii Taraafikada ee uu wadanku lahaa beri samaadkii.

3:- Waxa uu si aan caadi aheyn u dayactiray Aariga isgoyka KM-4 oo bur bur xoogan uu ka soo gaaray dagaaladii sokooye.

4: Gudoomiye Maxamuud Axmed Nuur Tarsan waxa uu qashinkii ka qaaday degmooyinka gobolka Banaadir, waxaana uu sameeyay Haamo qashinka lagu qaado.

Waxyaabahaasi iyo kuwa kale oo badan ayuu Gudoomiye Tarsan ku soo kordhiyay gobolka Banaadir, hase ahaatee warar hoose oo ay heshay warbaahinta http://Markacadey.net/ ayaa sheegaya in Shabelle ay ka xuntahay xilka Gudoomiye Tarsan, islamarkaana ay jagadaasi la raadinayso nin lagu magacaabo Maxamed Xuseen Odawaa oo ay Jufo ahaan si aad ah isugu dhowyihiin Milkiilaha Shabelle C/maalik Yuusuf Maxamuud.

Shabelle waxaa xiligan ka howlgala wariyaal ay tayadooda aad u hooseyso marka laga eego aqoontooda maadiga, diinta, iyo waaya aragnimada saxaafadeed, waxaana aad ka garan kartaa cunuga yar ee agaasimaha looga dhigay…!!!!, mana jirto wax mushaar ah oo la siiyo shaqaalaha dhiigooda la cabayo marka laga reebo inyar oo faro ku tiris ah kuwaasi oo la siiyo lacag u dhaxaysa $30 ilaa $50.

Bal adigu go’aan ka gaar aqristow Shabelle ma idaacad baa ama madal lagu raadiyo saldanad!!!!!!!!

W/D Maxamed Cali

Hordhac

Inkastoo maanta oo kale ay tahay maalinta shaqaalaha aduunka hadana shaqaalaha Soomaalida waxaan dhihi karnaa qiima uma laha dabaal-daga iyo damaashaadka shaqaalaha kale aduunka ay xiligaan sameynayaan.

Magaalada Muqdisho oo u xaruun ah haatan wadanka ma jiraan wax hey’ada ah oo si gaar ah u daneynaya ama u daryeela qiimaha iyo xuquuqda shaqaalaha soomaaliyeed walow ay jiraan wasaarado sheegta SHAQADA & SHAQAALAHA hadana ma jiraan wax ku ool la taaban karo oo ay wasaaradaasi ka sameysay guud ahaan wadanka.

Bosaaso waa xaruunta ganacsiga maamulka Puntland waxaana halkaasi ka jira dhaqdhaqaayo ganacsi oo ay wadaan ganacsatada hadana ma jiraan qiimo gaar ah oo ay leeyihiin shaqalaaha ka howlgala goobaha daabulida iyo dhoofinta magaaladaasi xiligaan.

Maamulka ka taliya halkaasi ayaysan wax qiima ah ugu fadhin shaqaalaha waxaana dhacdo in shaqaalaha markii laga gaaro dantii laga lahaa si arxan daro looga tago meel cidla ah.

Hargeysa waa halka looga taloyo maamulka la magaca baxay Somaliland oo mudooyinkii ugu danbeeyay ku ooyay in la aqoonsado balse beesha caalamka ay iska indha tirtay waxaana la sheegayaa in ay ka mid tahay goobaha ugu amaanka badan guud ahaan wadanka hadana kama jirto qiimo gaar ah uu ku fadhiyo shaqaalaha Soomaaliyeed.

wasaaraha maamulkaasi ayaa ku mashquulsan intooda badan dhanka siyaasada ayadoona cirka u fiiriso marka ay dhamaadaan shaqooyinka shaqaalaha ay ka hayaan goobaha gacan ku maalka oo inta badan shaqaalaha lagu dhibo.

Dhibaatooyinka Shaqaalaha Soomalida “Dakadaha”

Daryeel la’aanta waa astaanka u gaar ah shaqalaaha Soomaaliyeed xiligaan waxaana dhacdo in shaqaalaha gaar ahaan Dakadaha ay yihiin kuwa ugu shaqada badan uguna daryeelka xun marka loo eego kuwa kale ee shaqooyinka gacan ku maalka ka haya magaalooyinka wadanka.

Calasow Adan Cali waxa uu ka mid yahay shaqaalaha Dakada weyn ee Muqdisho waxa uuna shaqadaasi hayay mudo aad u dheer waxa uu ahaa nin ka xamaalan jiray tobonkii sano ee la soo dhaafay, waxa uuna leeyahay caruur uu isaga dhalay iyo kuwa kale uu Awoowe u yahay oo gaaray ilaa 15-ruux dhamaantoodna isaga ayay sugaan oo quutul-yoomkooda u doono.
Calasow waxa uu ii sheegay in isagoo xiligaan ah nin da’ ah hadana uusan ka maarmin shaqada maadaama intaasi oo naf ay wax ka sugeyso hadana waxa uu kala kulmaa dhanka shaqada dhibaatooyin aad u fara badan oo isagu jirto dhaqaalo xumo iyo waliba mid mooraal ahaan taa oo ku keentay in kusii adkeysto in shaqadaasi uu sii wato.

” waxaan qaadaa waxyaabo aad u culus oo xitaa dhib dhanka jismi ahaan ii geysto , hada waxaa aad ii xanuuno dhabarka oo inta badan aan wax ku qaado” sidaasi waxaaa ii sheegay isagoo Ilin ay ka socoto Calasow oo 52-sano jir ah.
Inta dhibkaasi uu marayo Calasow waxa uu mushaar ahaan u qaataa maalintii 100,000 Sh.S ( Boqol kun) oo u dhigmato 3.5 Dollar iyo 15-ruux oo guriga u fadhisa.

Ururada Xuquuql Shaqaalaha maxey ka qabteen xaaladaasi?

Dhamaan Ururada ka howlgala wadanka Somalia waa kuwa magaca ay wataan iyo howlaha ay hayaan aan islaheyn taa waxaa daliil u ah dagaalka xooga leh oo ay ku doonayaan sidii ay ku heli lahaayeen dhaqaalo oo gaaray heerkii ugu sareeyay waana mid ugu danbeyntii ku keenta in ay kala garan waayaan xaqa uu leeyahay qofka dad masuuliyadeeda qaado ama wax loogu soo dhiibo.

Ma jiraan Hey’ada maxali ama Caalami ah oo dareeylka shaqaalaha ku il-dheer ama ka naxa ayadoona mid walba ay ka eegato danta gaarka ah ay ka leedahay dhaqaalaha u codsato in ay ku fulin doonto mashaariic oo ugu danbeyntii ay ku kala baxaan ama ay kusoo kala qeybsadaan wadanka banaankiisa oo ay wadanka kusoo laabtaan ayagoo gacmo maran waxa ay bayaano ay soo saaraan ku sheegaan in ay wax u qabteen dad badan oo dhiban taa oo ay ka been sheegaan magaca ay ku qaraabtaan.

Doorka Shaqaalaha Soomaalida ay ku leedahay DKMG

Waxaa jira shaqooyin badan oo ka banaan xafiisyada DKMG Somalia hadana ma ah mid ku wada filan dadka shaqa la’aanta ah ee ku sugan wadanka gudihiisa waxaana jiro sababo badan oo keeni karta in shaqaalahaasi ay uga fogaadaan: –
1. Amaanka dhanka DKMG oo aan la isku haleyn karin
2. Shaqaalaha oo lagu xusho qaab garab.

Markii aad ka shaqeyneyso xafiis dowladeed waa mid qiima weyn kugu leh marka loo eego aqoontaada iyo waliba dadaalkaaga hada cabsida waa xaruunta ugu horeysa oo laga duulo, magaalada Muqdisho haatan 80% waxaa gacanta ku haya Ciidamada DKMG Somalia dhan ciidan iyo waliba dhanka logistic-ka ba balse waxaa jira wali canaasiir indha ku garaadle ah oo nafta Aadmiga ay la fududahay waxaana dhici karo in lagugu qabsado sidee ugu shaqeyn kartaa DKMG Somalia oo dhanka Shabaab ay ula muuqato Dowlad Murtidad ah.

Xulasha Shaqaalaha ayaa inta badan waxaan laga weyn Qabiil, shaqsi shaqsi ku raadi taa oo ugu danbeyntii keento shaqadaasi in uu waayo qofkii aqoonta iyo caqliga u lahaa oo joogo qof meesha lagu ilaaliyo waana xanuuna noogu weyn ee naheysto hadaan nahay Soomaali.

Doorka Dowlada Turkiga ee Soomaaliya

Xuquuqda Shaqaalaha Soomaaliyeed waa mid lama taabtaan ah hadana waxaa aad u yar shaqaalaha Soomaalida shaqooyin ay heli karaan xiligaan ayadoona bilihii lasoo dhaafay wadanka mashaariic gacan ku rimis ah ay ka wadeen dowlada Turkiga oo haatan dooneyso in ay Muqdisho ka sameyso Suuqa ugu weyn ee wadanka waxaana jira ganacsato badan oo ku heelan xiligaan sidii ay ku sameyn lahaayeen hogaan mideysan si ay u wiiqaan dadaalka Turkiga aan wali kala cadaan balse dan badan ay ugu jirto Soomaalida oo xiligaan dhan walba ka daashay balse la arki doonee waxa ay ku danbeyso.

Shaqaalaha Soomaalida 1-da May uma ah maalin weyn taana waxaan ku macneyn karaa fursado shaqo oo aad u buuran xiligaan oo aan jirin iyo waliba rajo xumada wali ka taagan wadanka oo ah mid aan sal balaaran laheyn xiligaan.

Mohamed Ibrahim Ayaanle
Ayaanle19@gmail.com
+254-7-28862688

Tuhunkii Maraykanka ee xilligaas waa uu dhaboobay waana la dilay hogaamiyihii Al-Qacida geeridiisana willi waa ay jirtaa cabsida ah inay weeraro argagiso Al-Qacidana uma aragto in xataa dhaawac soo gaaray.

Tobankii Sano ee la soo dhaafay Al-Qacida xubno sar sare ayaa dunida looga dilay oo looga ugaarsaday haba ugu badnaadaane wadamada Afghanistan iyo Pakistan haddana waxaa muuqanaysa in willi Al-Qacida ay awood ledahay.

Richard Fadden waa qabiir ku taqasusay arrimaha amaanka waxaana uu bare ka yahay machadka adeegyada amaanka ee wadanka Canada waxaa uu qabaa aragtida ah in inkastoo la filayay in Al-Qacida ay noqon doonto mas madaxa laga dilay haddana ay arrintaasi rumoomi waysay oo willi ay jirto awood aan marnaba la dafirin oo ururku leeyahay waxaana uu intaa ku daray mar uu la hadlay wargeyska warbixintaan qoray ee Daily Herald inaysan fududeyn in dadka Al-Qacida ka tirsan la qoonsado.

“Ma aha wax fudud in dadka Al-Qaida xubnaha ka ah si fudud loo garto waayo waxay dhibaato cad ku yihiin amaanka bulshada oo dhan”

Tusaaloyin aan la rajaynayn ayaa xataa dunida ka dhacay bal eeg waxa uu ku dhaqaaqay nika reer Norway Anders Behring Breivik oo 77 ruux ku dilay wadankaasi ninkaasi waxa uu dilay waxay ahaayeen dad wada rayid ah oo soo galooti ah waxaana qubaro hadlay ay sheegeen in ninkaas uu qaatay farsamooyinka Al-Qacida.

Qubarada ku taqasasusay la dagaalanka waxa loogu yeero argagixisada ayaa aaminsan in Akl-Qacida ay hadda si xawli ah ugu fidiyaan meelo badan oo aan horey looga aqoon inkastoo ay ka sii yaraanayaan wadamadii ay markii hore ku bilawdeen.

Xubnaha Al-Qacida ayaa laga yaabaa in si caadi loogu arko hay’adaha dawliga ah iyo meelaha muhiimka ah sida bangiyada iyo xawaalaha lacagaha la iskugu gudbiyo ururada ay bahwadaanka la yihiina waxaa u fududaata inay hubka u kala gudbistaan haddana waxayba ku lug leeyihiin arrimaha ka jira gobolka Bariga dhexe gaar ahaan wadamada ay rabshaduh ka jiraan sida Syria oo kale.

Mas’uuliyiinta amaanka ee wadamada reer galbeedka ayaa qaba cabsi ay ka muujinayaan illaa iyo 5 urur oo si weyn bah wadaag ula ah uruweynaha Al-Qacida kuwaasoo kala ah Al-Qacida Jaziiradda Carabta oo fadhigiisu yahay wadanka Yemen Maqribul Islami oo xarum ku leh wadamada Morocco, Algeria iyo Mali, Boko Xaraam, oo Nigeria ka dagaalanta Xarakadda Al-Shabab oo Soomaaliya ka jirta, iyo kooxda Lashkar E Taiba oo ka dagaalanta wadanka Pakistan.

Dhamaan ururada Al-Qacida xiriirka la leh waxaa ay leeyihiin xiriiro toos ah oo aan kala joogsi laheyn iyo baro kale oo ay wararkooda ku baahiyaan kuwaasoo ay websityo ka mid yihiin.

Hogaanka Al-Qacida ayaa la ogaaday inay si weyn ugu lug lahaayeen oo ay wax ka abaabuleen weeraro ka dhacay magaalooyin ay ka mid yihiin, New York, London, iyo Mombai kuwaasoo khasaaro badan geystay.

Sidoo kale hogaanka Al-Qacida waxay ka badan kala socdeen weeraro ka dhacay qaar ka mid ah wadamada qaaradda Africa.

Al-Qacida nin muhiim u ahaa oo lagu magacaabi jiray Max;’ed Saciid Al-Cumdaa ayaa lagu dilay duqeyn ay geysteen diyaaradaha wax duqeeya ee Maraykanku leeyahay ee duuliye la’aanta ah laakiin haddana Al-Qacida waxay wadaa arrin lagu tilmaami karo madaxa ciida ka cesho.

“Waxa aan hadda wajahayno waxa ay tahay inaan daraymano cabsi aan ka qabno inay Al-Qacida weeraro dunida ka dhacaan taasoo aadnu daraymo absideeda” waxaa sidaasi yiri Seth Jones madax ka ah hay’ad amaanka qaabilsan oo fadhigeedu yahay dalka Maraykanka oo la yiraahdo RAND Corp waxaana uu xusay in waaxda difaaca wadanka Maraykanka ee Pentagon ,ka uu u jeediyay inay dadaal badan galiso hubinta amaanka wadanka Afghanistan oo ay ciidamo ka joogaan.

Warbixinta uu qoray wargesyka Daily Herald waxaa uu ka hadlay xaaladaha qaar ka mid ah ururada taabacsan Al-Qacida sida Al-Shabab oo kale.

Xarakadda Al-Shabaab oo si weyn u soo shaac baxday xilligii Maxkamaduhu ay Muqdisho la wareegeen sanadkii 2006, ayaa xoog badan saarta sidii ay u matali laheyd hawlgalada ay fuliyaan Al-Shabab hogaankoodana waxaa ay u labistaan hogaanka Al-Qacida oo kale waxaana ay dagaal kula jiraan dawlada Soomaaliya iyo ciidamada kaabaya ee AMISOM oo midawga Africa ka socda.

Al-Shabab oo Soomaaliya ka dagaalanta waxa ay hawlaheeda ku fidisay qaar ka mid ah wadamada caalamka min Africa illaa America oo lagu arkay dad aaminsan afkaarta Al-Shabab oo Al-Qacida ku xiran waxaana muuqata inay ku hadaf yihiin ururada kale ee Al-Qacida taabacsan ee dunida ka jira waxaana ay tababarada iyo dhaqalahaba ka helaan Al-Qacida.

Safaarada Maraykanka ee Kenya dhawaan waxay soo saartay digniin ku aadanayd inay jiraan weeraro Shababku maleegayaan oo ay doonayaan inay ka geystaan wadanka Kenya sidoo kale waaxda amaanka gudaha Maraykanka ayaa iyana sheegtay in ururo Al-Shabab ka mid yihiin doonayaan inay geystaan weeraro ay ugu aar gudayaan dilki hogaamiyi Al-Qacida Sh, Osama Bin Laden.

Mar haddii dunidu ay willi ka jirto cabsi ay ka qabaan Al-Qacida mixnuhu waxaa weeye in sanad kadib geeridii Cusama ay willi Al-Qacida awoodeedii leedahay.

W/D: Burhaan Diini Faarax

Waxaase la gudboon shariif in ka fiirsado in magaciisa iyo tan qaranka aan loo isticmaalin xayeysiin iyo fagaareyn gobolo ka soo horjeeda danta qaranka dadka deegaanka muqdhisho degan ha ogaadaan caasimada qaranka qof kasta oo soomali ah ayaa ku noolaan kara hanti gashan kara iyadoo qabiil loo eegin waana in aad raacdaan maskaxda shriif iyo tarsan oo wada isdhax galka bulshada iyo amaanka muqdhidso oo laga fogaado maskaxda salad cal jeelle oo maalin kasta la Taagan muqdhisho nabad ma’ahan ,waa ninkii xamar bur-buriyey markii dadku qaxeena wuu la qaxay oo ceelasha ayuu ku noolaa maantana faroole ayaa ku laaluushay in uu yiraa caasuumada nabad ma’ahan, shacabka muqdisho xooga ha saaraan sidii ey turkiga u hanan lahaayeen si aan loogu rarin garoowe iyo hargeysa oo ciil u qaba caasumada Muqdishu.

Waxaan fursadan ugu faa’iidaysanayaa ansixinta dastuurka waxaa jirtay sheeko anoo yar aan maqli jiray dugaag libaax ugu wayne yahay dawocona ugu yartahay in layiri qaybsada neef geela waraabe ayaa yiri anaa qaybinaya oo ka bilaabay neefka kala bar, bar libaaxbaa leh barka kale intanada kale ayaa leh. Libaaxii dharbaaxo ayuu ku siidaayey waraabihii oo isha bidix ka tuurtay markaas ayuu cararay, dawocadii ayaa tiri anaa qaybinaya waxay tiri neefka kalabar, bar libaax baa leh, hadana sii kala bar, barka kale libaaxba leh, inta haratyna libaaxba leh markaas ayuu qoslay libaaxii oo yiri ALLA caqli badanaa yaa ku baray qaybta waxay tiri wixii waraabaha ku dhacay ayaa dhegtayda ka yeeraya.

Waxaan ugu jeedaa odayaashii dhaqanka waxaa hagaya waa DFKG ah, waxaa bariiska siinaya waa iyaga, waxa huteelka seexinya waa iyaga, waxa lacagta ballan qaadka bixinayaa waa iyaga, waxaa liiska u dhiibay waa iyaga, waxa la dooranayo waa iyaga, sow sheekadii libaaxa ma’aha?

Hadaba, odayaasha dhaqankuna wixii lagu tuhmayey sow ma dhaboobin Shariif waxaa la gudboon in dowladan kala diro, Baarlaamnka kala diro, Xukunkana ku wareejiyo xoogga dalka iyo AMISOM iyo Ahlu-Suna Waljameeca dastuurkan sanka layska galinayona dib loodhigo kii hore lagu shaqeeyo.

By: C\Kariim Jiirow Sharmarke – Madaxa Dhallinyarada Washington, USA

Ku: Malaaqa, Odayaasha, Culumaa’udinta,iyo Waxgaradka Dhabar Weyne
Ku: Jaaliyadaha Dibadda ku nool ee Dhabar Weyne
Ku: Dhammaan saxaafadaha Xamar
Og: Qaybaha kale ee Beelaha Benaadiriga
Og: Dawolada Ku meel gaarka ee Soomaaliya
Tariikh: 27 April 2012

Shirkan oo lagu qabtay magaalada London ee caasimada dalka Boqortooyada Ingiriiska. gaar ahaan xaafada (Waltham Forest) kana soo qeeb galeen waxgaradka, culumaa’udiinka iyo haweenka beesha Dhabar Weyne oo ka mid
ah beelaha daga’a Benaadir ayaa waxa ka soo baxay baaq ay ku cabiraayaan aragtidooda ku aadan siyaasada guud ee dalka iyo wiliba gaar ahaan tan ka taagan Benaadir xiliga Kala Guurka ee Dowlada KMG ah ee Soomaaliya.

Ugu horeen waxa shirka muhimadiisa la siiyay sidii beesha Dhabar Weyne ee dalka UK ay si fir farcoon uga qeeb qaadan leheed dhaq dhaqaqa siyaasadeed oo waqtigaan kala guurka ka socdo Benaadir gaar ahaan Xamar Weyne. Dood
dheer ka bacdi waxay jaaliyada si wada jir ah uu soo saareen baaq ka koowan qodobada hoos ku qoraan.

BAAQ:

Marki beeshu aragtay jahawareerka siyasadeed ee ka taagan gobalada ay degaan bah weeynta Benaadriga sida Xamar, Marka, Brawa. iyo meelah kale ee Benaadir, iyo qadarta eey leedahay in la kala qeeb qeebiyo walaalaha Reer
Benaadir si lo gaaro danooyin gaar ah.

Marki shirka u cadaatay in la damacsanyahay in la afduubo dhaqanka rasmiga ah ee Beelaha Benaadiriga laguna badalo dhaqan been abuur ah loona alafay si loogu daneesto.

Marki shirka xaqiiqsaday in xildhibaano ka tirsan barlamanka Soomaaliya ayagao kalsoni aan ka heeysanin shacabka Reer BenadirI sheektaan in eey mathalaan Benaadir oo dhan, is la markaane ayago adeegsanaayo awood qabyaaladeed
rabaan in eey badalaan dhaqankii ASALOOW soona jiri ab ka ab.

Marki xubnaha shirka ogadeen in xildhibaanadaan damceen in eey Beelaha Benaadir u sameeyeen “Imaamao” iyo kaabo qabiilo cusub ay ayaga doorteen si eey ugu soo xulaan xildhibaanada beelaha Banadiriga ah yeelanayso marki laga
gudbo Xilliga Kalaguurka kuwa ayaga eey rabaan.

Waxu shirka beesha Dhabar Weyne ku yeelatay London go’aan ku gaaray qodabadaan hoos ku xusan:

 In madaxda DKMG, gaar ahaan Wasaaradda arrimaha gudaha ee dowlada Soomaaliya inaysan ku qaldamin tuugada rabto in eey ku shaqeeysto magaca Reer Benaadir ayagoo ka leh danooyin gaar ah.

 In la mideeyo xoogag Reer Benaadirka oo xalaasha ah, si deg deg ahna loo xaliyo qilaafaadka jira ayado la cuskanaayo guud ahaan dhaqanka Benaadiriga ah si loogu hortago cadawaga hoosta noogu jiro.

 Haddii khilaafaad dhax maro beelaha Benaadriga dhaxdooda in lagu xaliyo wada xaajood iyo walaaltinimo iyo qaab waafaqsan dhaqanka

ASALOW ee Reer Benaadir iyo Shareecada Islaamka.

 In la’isugu yimaado wada tashi deg deg ah si loo saxo wixii khilaaf ah oo ka jira dadyowga Reer Benaadir iyo si laga hortago kuwa magaca Reer Benaadir ku qaraabto, loona soo magacaawo odiyaashi mathali lahaay Reer Benaadir oo dhan meel kasto eey joogan laguna koobin Xamar Weyne.

 In beesha Dhabar Weyne mar walba heegan u noqoto difaaca tariikhdaiyo horumarinta Reer Benaadir oo manta la rabo in maalin cadeey la boobo xuquudooda, dhaqanki ab ka ab eey lahaayen la dabo gidiyo.

WA BILLAAHI TOWFIIQ
Golaha Midnimada beesha Dhabar Weyne UK

Waxan daawaday dood ka baxday shaashadaha soomaaliyed mid ka mid ah, doodaasi waxay ka hadleeysey wada hadal dhex mara dadka reer koonfureed iyo dadka reer waqooyi. Waxan aad ula cajabay raggii ka socday waqooyi oo laga dheehanayey hadalkooda qab yasid iyo gacan seyr qayaxan oo isla socda oo ay u hayaan soomaalida kale. Waxan jecleystay inaan markaa bal inaan in yar gadaal u noqdo, waayo qofaan taariikhda aqoon mustaqbalka ma saadaasho dhibkii ummada soomaaliyeed ku dhacay koonfur iyo waqooyiba waa wax aan kasbanay weliba dembiga ha la kala badsado’e. Waayo Alle waxuu inoo sheegay dhibka idinku dhaca waa mid aad gacantiina ku kasbateen, weliba wax badan buu cafiyaa.

Caasinimadii, diin-la-dirirkii, diin caygii, khamri, qaawani, fawaaxish intaba dhulkeeni waa waxa ku soo dedejiyey cadaabki na helay oo lahaa col gaajo iyo qax intaba. Intaas waxaa dheer inuu Alle nagu saladay madax xun oo ciqaab iyo cadaalad daro noo geysta, waayo? Jawaabtu waa cadahay anagaa shacab xun ahayn, markaa hadan u soo noqdo hadalka ujeedadiisa waxaa weeye dhibki ku dhacay waqooyi galbeed wuxuu la mid yahay kii ku dhacay waqooyi bari soomaaliya sidoo kale kii ka dhacay koonfur mana aha wax hal reer gooni ku ahaa.

Su’aashu waxaa weeye yaa dhibka dhigay? Ma koonfur baa waqooyi ku duushay ? sey ila tahay jawaabtu waa maya ee nidaam caskari ah oo nalagu saladay ka dib xumaanteeni iyo danbigeeni baa soomaali oo dhan baaba’shay, waxay ila tahay waa cadaalad darro in koonfur loo saaro danbi aysan gelin. Danbiga shacabka soomaaliyeed waqooyi iyo koonfurba laga galay waa mid ku gaar ah xukuumadii wadanka haysatay oo ay ku jireen qabaa’ilka soomaaliyeed oo dhan.

Nabadda ay hadda waqooyi ku faanto mar walba horta waa inay Alle ugu shukriyaan hadii kale waa laga ceshan, ma haboona in lagu dhaleeceeyo koonfur amni xumada waayo waa imtixaan la imtixaanayo koonfur lafteeda oo danbi bey ka galeen dhamaan soomaali dawladii caskariga ka dib. Waxan leeyahay markaa akhyaarti reer waqooyi ee xalay sidii la ogaa ugu dhiiranayey hadaladii dhaawaca gaarsiiyey quluubta shacabka jecel wanaaga ee ay ka mid ahaayeen: Midnimo ma rabno waxaa waa laga baxay! Quluubteenu waa idnka sii jeedaa, Idin ma rabno! Iyo kuwa kale oo laga yaabo oo aan siiqada hadalka soo geli karin.

Hadaba waxan weydiin reer waqooyi, runta qofkii diidaa been baa u qarsan waxa aad midnimo ku weydeen ma waxaad ku helayssan kala tageenna? Ayadoo weliba rabbi yiri xarriga Alle qabsada oo ha kala tegina.

DHurwaagu wuxuu xoolaha ka cunaa kan gees daaqa ah, Raggii hadalkoodaa waxaa ka mid ahaa dadkayagu waxay u codeeyeen 98% inaan goosano!!!! War sow tan hada la idinku haysto oo ay soo baxeen maamul gobaleedyo idin diidan, oo yir “Annagu dooni mayno waxan Soomaali midnimadeeda ahayn” War xaggee aduunka lagu arkay xuduud gumaysi oo lagu faano? Waxay reer waqooyi mar walba ku andcoodaan soomaaliland na dhaha cajiib!!! Ma annagaa waalan mise Cadan baa laga heesayaa, Waxan rabaa inaan weydiiyo reer waqooyi isticmaarki1884ti ka hor soomaali maxay ahayd ma soomaaliland baa jirtay magac la dhaho? Ingiriiska dad buu intuu qabsaday sidii ilmo uu isagu dhalay magacyo aysan awoowayaashood u bixin ugu yeereen!

Waxan arki jirnay isticmaar raadkiisa la tirtiro ee xagee ku aragteen mid la raadsado kala qeybintiisii wadanka oo la dhaho tani waa xuduudeenii isticmaarka, gobanimmadu ma aha magacii aniga iyo dadkaygii iyo dalkaygii lagu qaybsaday baan wadanayaa , damiirka halganka iyo dowladnimmada ma oggola taas, runtii waa arrin xanuun ku haysa qalbi kasta oo Soomaali ah oo wax garanaya dareemayana raadkii uu gumaysigu dalkii kaga tegay, ma wax lagu faanaa magac Guumeysi baxshay, maansho murtidu ahaydWax Nin Xil Moodaa Nin Ku Xaragoodaa!

Waxan hadalka ku soo koobayaa reer waqooyi waxaa hubaal ah inaad wanaag sameeysateen adinka iyo maamulka puntland waxaana filayaa in siyaabaha qaarkood dagaalku idiin ahaa nabsi bax oo xagga horumarka waxay dowladi hore ku koobtay caasimadda,hasa yeeshee waxaa iyadana aan run ahayn in dhibaato reer koonfur u geeysteen walaalhood reer woqooyi sida aad dhaaxo ku celcelisaan, laakiin nidaamkii ay ciidammadu hoggaminayeen dhibaato baahsan buu dalka ka geystay haba ugu darnaadaan gobollada hadda Puntland la yiraahdo iyo kuwa Woqooyi, taasoo aan runtii la oran Karin waxay ku salaysnayd hayb sooc sida aad adinku hadda aad badankiin hadalka u dhigtaan.

Waa la doogiyee yaan la dacaroon, ha loo garaabo koonfur, hana la guubaabiyo, ha la iska dhowro hadallada kibirka iyo jeesjeeska ah, waan hubaa oo wax weyn laysma dheera, waxaana inaan midkeena farxi karin iyadoo midkeen il daranyahay, waxaana culimmada Woqooyi ku oranayaa dadka ku wacyi geliya midnimmada ummadda iyo waliba inaan dadka Soomaaliyeed waxna ku kala tagsanayn, waxaan filayaa in mujtamaca Soomaaliyeed eek u dhaqan Woqooyiga ay kaalin ku yeeshaan arrimaha aayahooda la xiriira isla markaasna ay inta goori goor tahay ku baraarugaan khatarta soo socota.

Soomaaliya ma qaybsanto, waa naf iyo jir mid ah, waxaana kuu cadaynaya, dhalashdoodu waa mid, afkoodu waa mid, diintooduna waa mid, xuduudu badeedna ma kala qaybiyaan,waxaana rajaynayaa inta yare e danaha gaarka ah leh inaysan garan waayin Soomaaliya labada gobol ee Woqooyi iyo Koonfur kifaaxii loo soo maray iyo sida y ku timid gobanimmada ay harsanayaan.

Yaasmiin Max’ed

London/ UK

Inta aanan abbaarin arrimahan, waa muhim ah, inaan dhawr qodob duljoogsado, oo aan is leeyhahay in la qeexo waa lagama maarmaan, maxaa yeelay, waxaa isku dhex miliqsan arrimo badan, ujeed iyo ogaalna la isugu daray, waxyaabaha qaarna laba maldahay! Illeen wax aan dani ka dambayn ma jiraane.

Marka laga soo tago; abaaraha, gaajada, colaadaha, dagaallada iyo dhibaatooyinka guud ee Soomaaliya hareeyey, waxaa lala eegtay sadax arrimood, oo kala ah:
-Dawlado ku meel gaar ah: Labaatanka sano ee burburka lagu jiro, dalka waxaa soo maray ku dhawaad shan dawlado ku meel gaar, dhaqan ahaan iyo maskax ahaanba, ku meel gaarka, waxay ahayd inay ka dambayso marlaxad nagi iyo deganaansho, haddii markii hore loo baahnaa in heerka la joogo laga gudbo, loona baxshay ku meel gaar, si loo caddeeyo inaysan ahayn daa’in iyo wax waligeed sii soconaya, balse, ayaandarrada Soomaalida ku habsatay ayey ka mid tehee, waaba la daa’imiyey.
-Shirar dib u heshiineed: Sida tan hore mugdiga dad badan uga jiro, tan waxaan filaa inay tahay bannaanyaal iyo wax iska cad. Shirarka la qabtay iyo sanadaha burburka lagu jiro marka aad is garabdhigto, waxaad ogaan inaysan kala badnayn oo iska daba dhaw yihiin, kana dhigan qiyaastii in sadaxdii sanaba mar shir la qabanayey, heer ay noqdeen shirirkani qubanayaal madashoodaaan la faaruqin, loona madlan yahay dhawr gu’ ka dibba.
-Ergay cusub: Lixdii sanee u dambaysay, waxaa la soo magacaabay sadax ergay, oo uu ugu dambeyo mudane Mahiga, haddaad gadaal sii qooraansatana qoorta ayaa ku daalaysa kaliya, waxaaba laga yaabaa inaad tirin weyso, dabcan, ujeed la’aan ma ahan, dhammaan qodobadan aan soo xusay, mid walba waxaa laga leeyahay dan gaar ah, aan isku dayno inaan fahamno. Kan hore, ee “ku meel gaarka” waa waligaa garab rarato iyo geeddi ha ka gudbin. Kan labaad, ee “Shirarka dib u heshiineed” waa waligaa gabraarta shisheeyaha ha ka guurin. Kan ugu dambeeya, ee “Ergay cusub, waa waligaa basaas ha noo kaa dhex joogo.
Arartan gaaban ka dib, aan u daadego dulucda qormada, oo u badnaa doonta tilmaamo iyo talooyin. Sidaa awgeed, waxaan ka sii cudurdaaranayaa qofkii aan igu aragti ahayn, inuusan ii ciilloon, maya, inuusan iga caroon. Ujeedku ma ahan qof iyo qabiil, kali iyo koox. Waxaanse farta ku fiiqi doonaa meelo badan, waana midda aan ka sii afeefanayo, illeen waa tii la yiriye: “Hadalkaaga hortiisa afeef ayaa la dhigtaa, Gurigaaga hortiisana ood”.

Marxaladda Kala guurka ah

Laba sano oo ku meel gaar ah ka dib, iyo sanad “Kampala Accord” loogu waqlalay, ahaase xadgudub ka dhan ah Dastuurka Dawladnimada iyo Dadnimada, maadaama mudaduu madax ahaan lahaa dhammaystay, haddana Kaadir Musaveni ayaa u kordhiyey, inaw Meles ogaana maanka ku hay. Iminkase waxaa la marayaa gabagabadii gugaa Musafani gooyee, maxaa goobta lala iman?.

Weydiinta madaxa daalinaysa ayaa ah: (Horta Ku meel gaar inaan ka baxno yaa dani ugu jirtaa? Ma anaga [Soomaalida] Mise Shisheeyaha [Dunida]) Aayaheenu wuxuu mar walba ku xiran yahay hadba warcelinta laga baxsho weydiintan, micnaha labada dan midda xoog yeelata ayaa xarigga noo qaban, aanse kala qaadee, haddii anaga dani noogu jirto, ma leenahay hoggaan xilkas ah? Ma leenahay madax qaran? Ma leenahay Maamul adag amaba jira? Ma leenahay ……? Ma leenahay……? Ma leenahay….? Ma leenahay….? Ma leenahay….?.

Haddiise ay dani ugu jirto shisheeyaha, haddaa, maxaa loogu dig iyo dam leeyahay? Maxaa loogu wada hamuun qabaa? Wax aan dhibkiisa mooye, dheeftiisu muuqan, maxaa loogu wada dhadhabayaa? Waan filaa inay dad badan u caddahay raggan aqoon yahanka lagu sheegayo, inay yihiin dullaaliin daboolan, oo ay dhammaan wada matalaan shirkado shisheeye. Maxaa yeelay, mid walba markuu yimaado, wuxuu heshiis la galaa shirkado gaar ah, oo uu ka qaato xoogaa laaluusha ah iyo sandareerta yar.

Waxa loo wada xusul duubayo, ayaa ah in mar qura eraga: “Ku meel gaarka” laga gudbo, danta laga leeyahay ayaana ah, in shirkadahan shisheeye, wixii loo saxiixo aan lagu soo dabagalin, illeen wixii ay maanta la saxiixdaan MAFIYADAN berri ayaa la duri karaaye, maadaama aysan wadanka ka jirin dawlad buuxda, haddaba aqriste, ma kula qumman tahay in xeeladdaasi meel marto?.

Dal aysan deganaan guud iyo mid gaaraba ka jirin, waa yaabe: sidee uga gudbaa ku meel, markii horaba la galiyey? Aqriste, armaad is tiraa, ninkani waa kuwa buka ee qaba, in dalka Maxmiyad la galiyo! Maya, bal si kale u eeg, armaanba hadda Maxmiyad aan magacaabnayn ku jirnaa? bal sadarrada sare aqriska ku celi. Hubaal inaad garan, inaannaan gob madax bannaan ahayn.

Marka laga soo tago caddaanka dalka Badda iyo Cirka ka eegta, wadanka waxaa maamulan jirtay Xabashi, hadda waxaa wadaag la noqotay Ugand iyo Kenya, ninkay caad ka saaran tahay, ha u fiirsho qaabka wadanka loo maamulayo, hase ku kadsoomin magac bixinta aan meelna haysan; Madaxweyne, Ra’isul wasaare, Wasiirro, Xildhibaanno IWM.

Guddiga Dastuurka

Ugu horrayn, tirada guddigan iyadoo lagu wareersan yahay, ayaa waxaa noo koobay Wasiirka Dastuurka iyo Dib u Heshiisiinta C/raxmaan Xoosh sheegayna in ay horay u ahaayeen soddon qof [30], haddana ay yihiin sagaal qof [9] oo uu ku tilmaamay “khubaro” -Sir iyo caad ogayaal- waa siduu hadalka u dhigee, sagaalka sargaal wuxuu ka xusay mudanayaashan -oo dabcan uu wada ammaanay-: Caasha Kiin Faarax Ducaale, Prof jawaari, Dr Cali Siciid Faqi, Shukri Diini iyo Xannaan.

Guddigan waxaa la magacaabay markuu dhammaaday shirkii dib u heshiisiinta ee Kenya lagu qabtay sanaddii 2004-tii, waxaa lala magacaabay guddiyo gaarayaa ilaa saddax iyo toban guddi, waxaa ka mida guddiyadaa Guddi dib u heshiisiinta.

Dawladda Shariif ayaa isku dayday inay guddiga xubno ku darsato, la laaqa Dhariga la Karinayo, qas iyo qalalaasaba ha looga jeedee, waase ku guuldarraysatay! Haddaba su’aasha ayaa ah: Guddigani awoodda intaa la eg siduu ku helay? Xaggeese ka keenay?.

Mid aan sir ahaynse aan sheego, in guddigani maalintii la aasaasay ilaa iminka uu mushaar joogta ah qaadanayey, taa kaliya ma ahan, Guddigani waa ka safar badan yahay madaxda dawladda, oo haddaa, yaa ka bixiya qarashka safarka? Maya, horta sidooda yaa biila? lacagta ku baxda xaggee laga keenaa? Xafiiskee siiyaa? Guddigani Xafiiskoodu xaggee ku yaallaa? Mise waa garab rarato Lap Top-ku Kilkisha ugu jiro, walina aan gaarin iPad!

Warar aan la xaqiijin ayaa tilmaamaya, in Guddigan maalintii la magacaabay ilaa maantadan ay ku baxday qarash badan, aqriste lacagtu ma yaree, bal kurisga xajiso, inta aanan kuu sheegin, waa inaan kuu sii digaaye, waxaa lagu beelay beeso dhan hal Malyan oo Dallar [1Milyan$] haddaba yaan la oran dalku muxuu Sabool u yahay? Illeen Yuubatadan ayaa wixii soo galiba u yuurartee!

Dastuurka qabyo qoraalka ah

Dastuurkan waxaa lagu madalsan yahay, in la soo bandhigo bartaha bisha may ee foodda nagu soo haysa, sidaa awgeed, mashaqada ugu darani way soo socotaa, oo waxan ay Dastuurka ku sheegayaan, waxaa ku jiro qodobo aysan iyagu qorin, sida ka muuqatana ay qorteen dalalka dariska ah, qodobada qaarna waxaaba qortay qabiillada qaarkood, oo aadba moodda inay ku fillaa waysay, sadbursiga ay maanta ku hayaan beelaha intooda kale, awal ayaanba qaati ka taagnayn afar iyo bare, ma waxay noo soo wadaan goosgoos aan gabina gaari karin?.

Balaan ku hormaro qodobka la yaabka leh ee ah: “Jinsiyadda/Dhalshada” Dastuurka qabyo qoraalka ah waxaa ku qoran sidan:

CUTUBKA 2AAD-JINSIYADDA

Qodobka 11aad-U-dhalashada Jinsiyadda

(1) Qof kasta oo ku dhasha gudaha Jamhuuriyadda Federalka Soomaaliya, dhalasho ahaan waa Soomaali.

Qodobka 12aad-Muwaaddinnimada lagu heli Soomaaliyeynta

(3) Qofka shan sano oo taxane ah, si sharci ah Soomaaliya u degganaa, buuxiyeyna shurrdaha sharciga Jinsiyadda, xaq ayuu u leeyahay inuu dalbado Soomaaliyeyn.

(4) Shardiga shanta sano ee uu qofku xaq u yeelanayo in lagu Soomaaliyeeyo guur ama deggnaansho kuma xirna in uu buuxiyey ka hor ama ka dib taariikhda dhaqangalka Dastuurka.

Balaan jeexjeexo qodobka Jinisyadda, mid waa inaan isla wada qirnaa, inaan nahay dal xitaa aan SABOOL lagu tilmaami karin, intaa waxaa noo sii dheer, inaan ku jirno dawladaha dhan walba ku fashilmay, haba ugu darnaadaan dhanka ammaanka, maamulka iyo garsoorka, waaba haddii raadkood la hayee.

Sidaa waxaan u leeyahay, qofka marka uu mudnaado Jinsiyad/Dhalasho, wuxuu yeelanayaa xuquuq uusan markii hore lahayn, maya, wuxuu la mid noqonayaa Muuwaadinka Soomaaliyeed, ee aan la Soomaaliyeyna. Haddaba, miyeysan habboonayn inaan arrinta si fudud loo gudagalin? Waa midda koowaade, dhaqaalo uma haynno, in qof walba oo shan sano na dhexjooga aan dhalasho dhab ku siino. Anagii ayaa naf la caari ah, ee sideen dad kale ku xammili karnaa? Aniga iima dhadhamin.

Midda naxdinta leh ayaa ah, in qodobkan ay qorteen dawladaha ay ciidanka ka joogaan wadanka, si gaara Xabashida, oo danteedu tahay inay ku yeelato Soomaalida dhexdeeda, dad badan oo la Soomaaliyeeyey, micnaha dad asal ahaan ka soo jeedo wadankeeda, balse, xaq buuxa ku leh Soomaaliya. Haddaba, maxaa ka horjoogsanaya in ay berri madax noqdo?.

Waxaan la yabaa dad badan oo muran ka kenay qofka Soomaaliga ah ee xil qabanaya inaysan shardi u ahayn inuu Muslin ahaado! Waana meesha kaliya ee laga hadlay ilaa iminka, waxaa ku soo xiga midda sadbursiga. Waaba yaabe, dadkan maba u muuqdo wadankan xaraashka ah, ee la leeyahay qof walba wuxuu noqon karaa Muwaadin Soomaaliyeed, sida iyo saabku muhim ma ahan, waaba laguu sadrayee ku dul susub, sina ha uga seerayn.

Berri waxaa soo socda kuwa madaw iyo caddaan isugu jira, oo aan Soomaali ahayn, lase leeyahay waa Soomaali, Muslinnimana haba sheegin warkeed, oo xukunka qaban doona. Hadda ayeyba billaabatay, dad la siiyey dhalshada, sida ay sheegayaan xog hoose oo laga helay Waaxda Jinsiyadda ee Xamar, aanse ka wardhawrno maalmaha! Wallee inay wax riman yihiine.

Run ahaan, qodobkan wuxuu keeni doonaa in dad badan oo iminka Soomaaliya jooga, ujeedna loo geeyey, ay berri ku doodi doonaan, inay Soomaali yihiin, maxaa yeelay, waxay Soomaaliya deganaayeen in ka baddan shan sano, oo uu Dastuurkani xadidayo, Qoraaga sare: C/qaadir Cusmaan Max’ud (Aroma), ayaa Naynaas ahaan ula baxay (Oromo) isagoo ku muujinaya Afrikaannimadiisa, kana cararaya Carabnimo ama Carabayn.

Markuu burburkii dhacay, ayuu ku baraarugay kuwa la leeyahay waa Oromo masaakiin ah, oo dadkii qaarijin ku dhammeeyey, ka dibna, Naynaastii ku badshay (Aromo) oo ah geed udgoon.

Malaha meeshii C/qaadir Cusmaan Max’ud (Aromo) uu ka dagaalamayey ayaan maanta maraynaa? Maxaa yeelay, qodobkan waxaa ka dhalanaya in Ajaanib badan ay xaq u yeeshaan dhalshada Soomaali. Hubaal in dad badan kugula doodayaan, in ay jiraan Soomaali badan oo qurbaha ku haysta dhalsho kale. Aanse caddeeyee, tan iyo kuwaas kala duwan, markaan yeelano dhaqaalaha dawladahaa oo kale, ee aan dal dhisan iyo dad deggan yeelanno ha la gaaro, ee maanta miyey mudan tahay in sheeko caynkaa ah Dastuur naloogu qoro?

Waxaa jira dalal badan oo naga hodonsan, oo aan qodobkani u qornayn, sida S.Afrika, Jappan, S.korea, Malesia, UAE IWM, kuwaaba kuma degdegine, waa maxay kadlayntan anaga nagu jirta? Wallee inaan shaki ku jirin, inay Xabashi qoratay qodobka Jinsiyadda/Dhalashada, ee Soomaaliyeey, armay maanta ku habboon tahay, inaan raggan iska qabanno?.

Dhanka kale, dawlado reer Yurub ah, ayaanba ku bixin dhalashada shan sano, ama kuba baxsha shantaa oo shuruudo lehe, sidey ku dhici kartaa dal G8 [Dawldaha warshadaha ku hormaray] ku jira, sida Italia, in dhalashada lagu helo toban sano oo degaansho ah, annagu aan shan sano oo daganaashao ah ku bixinno? Aniga iima cuntamin, aqriste, adna?.

Waxaan gudcur ku jirin oo aan u baahnayn hillaabasho, in guddigan iyo kuwa la mid ah, ay dalka ka dhigayaan mid aan la kala xigin. Ma kuu joogaan Gaangaystarro aad isaga maaro waysay, waa laguu hayaa halkii aad gayn lahayd, waa Soomaaliya. Ma leedahay kooxo Calooshood u shaqaystayaal ah, waa laguu yaqaan meesha aad ku beeri lahayd, waa Soomaaliya. Ma ku xiran tahay MAFIYA, waa laguu yaqaan meesha ay mashaariicdiinnu ka hirgalayaan, waa Soomaaliya.

Fisha, qaybta xigta ee qormada.

Bashir M. Hersi

 ”The aim of every political constitution is, or ought to be, first to obtain for rulers men who possess most wisdom to discern, and most virtue to pursue, the common good of the society; and in the next place, to take the most effectual precautions for keeping them virtuous whilst they continue to hold their public trust.” –Alexander Hamilton or James Madison, Federalist Papers, New York Packet, Federalist No. 57, Tuesday, February 19, 1788.

Background

Earlier this month, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG)-appointed Committee of Experts (CoE) on the Constitution held a “constitutional review” session in Minneapolis, Minnesota, a gathering that, given the stakes, I wish I had attended. Regardless, in what follows below, I will share my initial thoughts about the constitution–making process currently underway in Somalia.

Today, there is a broad regional and international consensus that successive reconciliation conferences on Somalia produced a cycle of ineffectual transitional “governments” leaving nothing in their wake but dashed hopes, squandered goodwill and unfulfilled mandates.
For two long decades, Somalis repeatedly failed to negotiate effective and meaningful national government. In an age that is in dire need of alternative views of the future that can break with the bloody past, nothing highlights the general ineptitude of the Somalis to achieving statehood better than the utter failure of the Somali elite, both secular and religious, to pursue their own national interest defined in terms of their ability to achieve broad consensus on national purpose, strong idea of state, establish a shared socio-political vision and sound “political philosophy” for post civil war Somalia. In short, Somalis failed to rejuvenate a collective sense of national identity that would prevail upon the tribal identity and prevent the perpetuation of the inherently discriminatory and un-Islamic “4.5” formula. Alas, the Somali Diaspora, besides being an “ATM” and a vital economic lifeline, continues its role as vicarious participant of the events unfolding back in the troubled country with no ability to marshal any meaningful contribution in order to positively impact the clan-induced political stalemate.

Despite this bleak situation, however, the Somali people insist on a new political configuration that challenges the categories delimited by the clannish-minded elites, religious demagogues and the continued manipulation by the “ Internationals” or “Ghost-lords” (to borrow from Bro. Abukar Arman, the fine Somali writer). Surprisingly, the citizens of Somalia have demonstrated astounding resilience and sheer will to survive and hope for a better day despite enduring decades-long brutality and disasters of all stripes. To overcome the current debacle, however, Somalia needs a new Social Contract. It is time to refound Somalia through sound principles.

Role of Islam in the new political dispensation

On April 18, 2009, the Somali parliament voted unanimously to adopt Shariah law. Article 8 of the Transitional Federal Charter reads, in part, “(1) Islam shall be the religion of the Somali Republic. (2). The Islamic Shariah shall be the basic source for national legislation”
Furthermore, the 2010 Draft Constitution, currently under review, essentially proclaimed Somalia as an “Islamic state” with a national religion. It obligates the Somali judges to rule and adjudicate in accordance with the provisions of Islam and jurisprudence of Shariah law as, under the Draft, no law could be “contrary to the sacred religion of Islam.” The role of religion in the new constitution is, therefore, bound to be contentious. This represents significant departure from the language of the 1960 constitution, which merely stated “Islam shall be the religion of the State” rather than requiring all laws to be brought in conjunction with the Islamic law and declaring the supremacy of Shariah.

The Quran is NOT a Constitution

The Quran is not a constitution in the generic sense. It is by definition and substance greater than a constitution. The religious clerics who proclaim, “Quran is our constitution!” misread the very essence of the Quran. A constitution is a flexible device, which organizes and shapes diverse political and legal systems. It is used to enshrine the broad principles on which a governmental system is to operate, including the rights and responsibilities of all levels of government; the description and role of key institutions at central and local levels; and, the basis on which detailed rules may be established or changed. It can be amended or abrogated. On the other hand, a Qur’anic text cannot be altered or abrogated because of the Qadiyu Thubuut (absolutely authentic origin) principle. It can only be interpreted where its texts are vague, Zaniyu al Dilalah. An example would be verses describing acceptable commercial practices. These may be interpreted in light of relevant sources and materials. In essence, the Qur’an is more expansive than a constitution with respect to its functions and characteristics. Now, the belief that Somalia needs no unifying document besides the Quran misunderstands the function of the constitution in establishing a modern state and, moreover, runs contrary to the principles of Al Siyasah Al Shari’yah and Ijtihad (unprecedented doctrinal development) as articulated by classical Islamic jurists. Simply put, Somalia needs a national constitution to formalize its political choices in matters of government while, at the sometime, keeping Islam as the conscience of both the community and the constitution.

Somali Legislature & Institutionalization of Ijtihad

Technically, the implementation of Islamic law in Somalia, as required by this Draft, poses monumental legal challenge to Somali’s fragile legal infrastructure and its religious elites. To effectuate the Islamic provisions in the Draft, Somalia’s constitutionally defined legislative body (parliament) shall have no choice but to enact specific statutes containing detailed legal techniques and tools used to identify, interpret and apply principles, norms and standards of the Quran and Sunnah, and in their absence, to identify by certain techniques applicable principles to situations for which existing Quranic or Sunnah norms are unavailable.
These techniques include:
Identification, appraisal, and ranking of the sources of law in accordance with a certain
methodology deemed valid by the Somali legislature and the consensus of the jurists.
The institutionalization and professionalization of fiqh authorities and developing mechanisms to check the temporal rulers by Allah’s law, so that if a given law violated Islam there was a way to stop it.
Creating a hybrid legal system representing a combination of immutable, divinely-derived legal standards and mutable decisions whose validity needs to rest on political judgments of what constitutes the best rule given a particular set of temporal circumstances by the fiqh scholars or the parliament whereby all laws are subjected to the following two-pronged test: 1) is the law in question inconsistent with an unambiguous ruling of authoritative sources of the Shariah and 2) does the law violate the Maqasid al Shariah “goals,” or the utilitarian principles of the Maslaha as articulated, among others, by Al Shatbi, Ibn Al Qayim, Al Qarafi and Ezzedin Ibn Abdisalam.
Developing codified statutes with uniform application throughout the country. As former Chairman of Somaliland’s Law Reform Commission, I had the privilege of witnessing firsthand the impact of Somaliland’s efforts and struggle to harmonize Xeer, Shariah Law and the pre-1969 statutes of the Somali Republic into one uniform legal system throughout Somaliland. The purpose was to provide legal certainty and create predictable system of justice.
Since, according to the Islamic teachings, the Qur’an is God-given and cannot be altered, jurisprudential and doctrinal differences of various Fiqh authorities had to be reconciled in part because there is no uniformity of opinion about major legal issues within any one school of legal thought. For example, see Imam Shafi’s Al Qadim & Al Jadid legal doctrines or Al Asah & Al Azhar principles. In that context, uncontrolled pluralism of judicial (Fiqh) opinions and decisions should, in my view, be considered as conflicting with constitutionalism on grounds that it can be internally segregative and thus impede on the ideals of constitutionalism and possibly hinder good governance and social cohesion under a uniform system of law.

Instead of addressing these profoundly important questions in the national debate and political discourse, the recurring theme of Somali’s leading religious elite seem to become not only rhetoric calls for a return to the fundamentals of Islam, but in fact a regression to a fixed historic framework. In what constitutes an utter disregard of the human juristic interpretations (Fiqh), they argue that since the Qur’an is immutable, as is the Sunnah, and since the Sunnah is the last word on the Qur’an, everything that had to be said by Allah and His messenger has been said. There being nothing more to be said, the only thing left is a strict application of what has already been given. It is based on such faulty reasoning that leaders of some of these movements made themselves into the arbiters of what was valid and what was not. The corollary of that self-declared authority is that these “leaders” can decide on who is a true believer and who is an apostate (Murtad), a sideshow that really adds nothing to the quest for nationhood.

But the on-going process to refound Somalia in the year of 2012 is the ultimate test of Somali’s religious movements and elites. Now that the Draft Constitution essentially mandates the implementations of the Islamic Law, the era of the care-free religious rhetoric by religious elites is finally over. Taking the easy road of labeling every complicated human condition as Haram (prohibited) is no longer acceptable. The practice of the rarefied art of statecraft demands answers and solutions to layers upon layers of complicated and unprecedented legal and political issues. The religious elite will soon find out that governance, unlike lawlessness, is a complex system of interactions among competing interests. In such an environment, looking at the world in black and white (Muslim & Murtad) wouldn’t be only a disservice to Islam itself but also an undue oversimplification of the complex nature of Islamic Jurisprudence. There is a reason why there are at least four major schools of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam alone.
Without a doubt, the Somali legislators will need plenty of properly credentialed Ijtihad practitioners among them as they will, unfortunately, find it very had to stumble upon any of the so-called international legal experts – who were in charge of Somali’s “legal affairs” for the past two decades- that possesses the necessary legal background in the mergers of Islamic law and Western jurisprudence. Passing a unanimous parliamentary resolution declaring Shariah as the law of the land might have been the easy part. Implementing that decision within a modern-day governmental system, however, entails a complicated set of technical and jurisprudential challenges to which Somali’s religious elites are no match and, in my view, ill equipped to undertake.

Brief comments on the Draft Constitution

The efforts to establish a constitutional republic in Somalia are admirable. These efforts, however, must be diligent, effective, and thoughtful. The effectiveness of a new constitution should, in my view, be judged by: a) the level of participation by the public and b) legitimacy of the process. There is no credible evidence to suggest that the views of the people throughout the country reached the Independent Commission for the Constitution and Federal Affairs (IFCC) in any meaningful manner or were considered by it during the drafting process, the hilarious minute-long commercial on Universal TV notwithstanding. Further, based on my preliminary research, the IFCC seems to have been under intense pressures to meet strict deadlines. Regardless, I am not aware of any serious efforts on the part of the IFCC to consult and seek wide scale public participation in the Diaspora as well (Reportedly, less than 100 people attended a recent TFG sponsored constitutional review session in Minnesota, a state which is home to an estimated 70 thousand Somalis). Of course, a counter-argument can be made that the current security situation in Somalia does not permit broad debate and public participation. In addition, there is evidence of considerable intervention by foreigners, with their own unhelpful agenda (normally, the constitution-making process is a jealously guarded national treasure everywhere else but Somalia). Consequentially, because of strict time pressures, an unstable security situation and questionable foreign intervention, the goal of ensuring inclusiveness and broad based consensus with regards to the Constitution is, thus far, unattained. Therefore, with regards to participation and legitimacy, among people and communities, the process must be regarded as largely ineffective.

My general assessment is that this document is a considerable improvement from the Transitional Federal Charter. However, I consider that there are serious flaws in the Draft which would make the operation of the system of government difficult and controversial. For instance, there are technical deficiencies, ambiguous or incomplete language in the draft, which are to some extent tied to key substantive provisions, such as sovereignty, sources of legislation, lack of clear demarcation between the president and parliament, and the role of the regional states vis-à-vis the federal government. These poorly drafted substantive provisions could further sharpen the divisions within Somalia and pose a serious threat to the unity and territorial integrity of the country. I, therefore, have serious reservations about the durability and effective implementation of the Constitution in its current form. Having said that, I do have sympathy for its drafters and do understand the enormous difficulties they had to overcome to reach where they have.
My non-exhaustive review suggests that Somali intellectuals must give a great deal more thought to the modalities of the Constitution-making process than was possible in the process so far.

The Preamble

Generally, a preamble is an inspirational and symbolic statement. Its purpose is to situate the Constitution into a specific context. The context may consist of reconciliation (2010 Somali Draft Constitution), independence (1960 Somali Constitution), a revolution or the overthrow of the previous regime (1979 Iranian Constitution), or a peaceful transition to a new political or social system (the 2005 Afghan Constitution). The preamble also provides guidance to the objectives of the Constitution, which may be used to interpret the Constitution, but is not otherwise binding. Hence, to be effective for these purposes, the preamble is normally brief.

The preamble in this Draft-Constitution sets out an unprecedented affirmation of the central role of Islam in Somalia’s public life. It reaffirms and promotes the unity of Somalia and recites and condemns the injustices of the past. It certainly is intended to inspire pride in Islam. In these respects the preamble is good, if somewhat short. However, it fails to set out clearly the objectives of the Constitution in a comprehensive manner. Understandably, there is perhaps too much emphasis on the Islamic nature of the Constitution largely designed, in my view, to fend off any criticism by the powerful Islamic groups in Somalia. However, the preamble must also clearly spell out the objectives of the Constitution. Using the events of the last two decades as a backdrop, the Commission should enumerate, in addition to those already existing, the following priorities for the new constitution:

(a) Formulating a vision of Somalia that has wide approval all over the country;
(b) Enhancing national unity and territorial integrity; 
(c) Assuring people democracy and participation as well as physical and psychological security;
(d) Ensuring effective and accountable government; 
(e) The protection of human rights and dignity, including rights of minorities;
(f) Promotion of social justice and the fair distribution of the benefits of national resources; and
(g) Renewal of the economy and removal of poverty.   

Shariah & Sovereignty (Chapter 1)

The title, “Declaration of the Republic,” has revolutionary overtones. Instead, I would prefer using, “Fundamental Principles,” as a title for this Chapter.
Article 1:
In my view, Article 1 struck a reasonable balance between the core Islamic beliefs represented in the Maqasid Al- Shariah and the universally accepted international standards and norms of justice, human rights, rule of law and democracy. Most importantly, the use of the Maqsid as articulated by Al- Shatibi and Ibn- Al-qayim, offers significant flexibility to the Somali legislature with respect to its lawmaking function and ensures compatibility of the Shariah with modernity.
Further, with respect to the issue of women’s rights, although recognizing that they are an integral part of the citizenry, they should not be singled out for specific privileges. Normally, such moves yield negative results. Instead, women’s Rights and Obligations should be based on the equal protection clauses of the Constitution (Art. 17 of the Draft) with further protections granted through the instrumentalities of the judiciary and law enforcement agencies. Consequentially, Article 1(4) is short-sighted, and probably meant to appease international actors. Therefore it is unnecessary and should be removed.

Article 2: There is no provision prescribing the sources of legislation, a major flaw in this Constitution. To remedy this omission, Article 2(3) should either read: “Islamic law shall be the basic source of legislation. All legislations enacted by the Parliament shall be brought in conformity with the injunctions of Islam as found in the Qur’an and Sunnah” or it should elaborate other sources of legislation with a degree of clarity. If the IFCC were to choose the former, it should, in my view, solidify this provision further by proposing the establishment of the “National Fiqh Council” comprising membership of preeminent Islamic scholars, Judges, lawyers, women’s groups and human rights advocates, as a constitutional body entrusted with the mandate to advise the legislature on whether a certain law or legislation is repugnant to Islam, namely to the Qur’an and Sunnah. Read together, the preamble and Articles 2 & 3 clearly give supremacy to Shariah over the constitution.

Article 4: states, “Somalia is sovereign . . . .” but it fails to specify where that sovereignty is vested. Is it in the people? or, as the preamble suggests, in the Shariah?
One way to remedy this can be to distinguish original sovereignty as it rests with Allah (swt) and delegated sovereignty, which rests with the people (ummah), for the purposes of law-making and governance. Therefore, although, ultimate sovereignty rests with Allah (swt), mankind has also inherited a trust, or amana, from Allah (swt), in the form of the khilafa, to govern matters in light of the revelation, or risala. In a famous narration of the Prophet (pbuh), or hadith, the Prophet states, “My Ummah shall not agree upon error” thus reaffirming the importance of the will of the people.

Article 11 & 12: Citizenship

Clearly, the Constitution largely follows both the jus sanguinis, citizenship by right of blood, and the jus soli, citizenship by right of birth within the territory. Article 11 (2) states, in part,“. . . [A] person born outside……. or if they are of Somali origin.” In the absence of a clear definition of the word “Somali” in this Constitution, the plain language of this Article entitles any person of ethnic “Somali” origin, specifically the large Somali populations in Djibouti, northeastern Kenya, and the Somali region of Ethiopia to automatic citizenship. While I have nothing bad to say about the delusionary concept of “Greater Somalia,” these words constitute a serious loophole which, if not properly remedied, poses grave economic, national security and public health dangers to the Somali Republic.

Article 11(4) is a reckless disregard of the fact that Somalia’s borders are totally insecure and that there are large numbers of migrant children from neighboring Ethiopia in the streets of Somalia today. Certainly, these children are entitled to full protection and other remedies under the law, but not necessarily citizenship. Thus, this provision should be deleted altogether. In Article 12(3), I would argue that five years is not a sufficient period of time to allow an alien to fully immerse herself in Somali identity, history, language, and culture. Therefore, in my view, Somali citizenship should be acquired by an applicant who has resided in Somalia a total of 12 years and fulfilled other requirements under the law. In addition Articles 13 & 14 should be merged.
Finally, provisions regulating nationality and citizenship should be left to nationality laws and legislation enacted by the Parliament. Usually, nationality and citizenship provisions are mutable and therefore are best dealt with by acts of Parliament.

Fundamental Rights (Chapter 3)

This Chapter shares suspiciously striking similarities with the new constitution of South Africa!
One purpose of a Fundamental Rights chapter is to provide a vision and goals for a society. Another purpose is to define the relationships between citizens, communities, and the State. In this Chapter, the Somali state comes across as a caring society, trying to ensure for its people their dignity and the fulfillment of their basic needs. On the whole it strikes fair and suitable balances, recognizing the liberties of the individual in a community-oriented society. It acknowledges the importance of economic development to the enjoyment of rights, and commits the state to facilitate economic growth by creating a suitable legal and business environment (Arts. 31, & 32). It also responds to the special problems, and recent experiences of governance, in Somalia, and thus contains sufficient protection to citizens, families, and children. The formulation of article 23, freedom of expression, may give the impression that these rights are conferred by the State; it, however, would be an improvement to state that everyone has an inherent right to the freedom of expression.

Article 51: The Electoral System

Article 51 does not set out the method of voting, nomination, or other key aspects of the electoral system. It is unclear whether, under this system, the entire country is one electoral constituency or if there will be system of multi-member constituencies. Although a single national constituency can produce full proportionality, it has several disadvantages; particularly in the control it gives political parties and the lack of close, effective connections between the people and their representatives. It will be interesting to see how comprehensively the Somali parliament tackles the electoral system.

The Federal System (Chapter 7)

The current debate over a federal system as opposed to a unitary system in certain Somali circles misdiagnoses the underlying causes for mistrust among Somalis. Central to the demands of every Somali tribe, in my view, are two major components: a) acceptable level of representation; and b) a desire for self-governance, such as a governor or district commissioner being from own tribe. My sense is that Somalis are less concerned about the nature of their system so long as they are satisfied with the level of representation allocated to their tribe and their ability to govern their own tribal localities. In general, federalism can balance national identity and interests with communal or regional identity and interests, and in this way discourage secession and promote national unity, as has been the experience of India and Switzerland. Federalism is also a reflection of the tolerance in society and the ability of the people to make compromises. It can produce greater responsiveness among government authorities to the people’s wishes and needs in local situations and increase opportunities for their participation in public affairs. Thus, federalism is perfect for countries that, unlike Somalia, have large multiethnic populations with multi-layered demands.

Somalia, however, is an impoverished nation with scarce resources to run large and expensive bureaucracies at federal and state levels. Therefore, I would strongly argue that a decentralized unitary system with strong local government is the realistic approach in Somalia, a country with homogenous population. Further, it is the only system experienced by Somalis in their modern history, thus resembling continuity and similarity to previous governmental systems.

Bicameral vs. Unicameral (Chapter

If Somalia were to adopt the Federal system, as this Draft-Constitution does, then it should have a bicameral legislative system. Bicameralism ensures territorial representation, provides stability, and assures legislative quality through extended deliberations. In addition, the institutional mechanisms afforded to each branch have significant ramifications for both the relative balance of power between the two branches, as well as the manner in which legislation is proposed, processed, and passed. In light of the successful experience of Somaliland in running a bicameral system, I prefer a bicameral system for Somalia comprised of: (a) Lower House of Representatives and (b) Upper House of Elders, or Guurti. The use of the term Guurti would be particularly brilliant and compelling because it is the invention of Somalis in Somaliland and it had such a positive impact in maintaining equilibrium in the politics of Somaliland since the landmark 1993 Borama conference. With respect to article 85, I think the quorum should be a simple majority of those expected to be in attendance. A simple majority of votes should also be the requirement to make a decision.

Presidential v Parliamentary Systems

Once again, this Constitution, consistent with the Transitional Federal Charter, gives the Somali people a parliamentary and presidential system. The system as it stands is prone to creating power struggle between the president and the prime minister, similar to those that occurred between former PM, Nur Cade, and the late President, Abdullahi Yusuf. Under this system, Presidents would try to run an administrative state and not a democracy.
Only a strong, independent and effective Supreme Court could provide remedy to this flawed system and the constitutional crisis that will undoubtedly result from it.

Judiciary (Chapter 10)

I do not see a compelling reason for having a separate Constitutional court. It is simply an unnecessary expenditure. I do believe that constitutional judicial authority should be vested in the Supreme Court which should be the final arbitrator of federal constitutional questions.

Independent Commissions (Chapter 11)

It has become common in contemporary constitutions to establish Independent Commissions for the discharge of politically sensitive functions and for purposes of accountability of state officials. The intention is to insulate the performance of these functions from political interference or pressures. Article 136 (1) & (31) establishes a number of commissions with important tasks while it delegates the power of establishing others to the parliament. Given the increased role of religion in the public life in Somalia, I would suggest the establishment of a National Fiqh Council (NFC) with a mandate to advise the parliament and the government on religious matters.

Ratification

A constitution becomes legitimate once it is ratified by the public. However, given Somalia’s current security situation, ratification should follow a two-step process. The first step will create a provisional constitution. In order to create this provisional constitution, the IFCC should require the approval of the constitution by a constituent assembly representing various regions and tribes of Somalia. Once the security situation in Somalia stabilizes, a referendum, involving the citizens of each region, should take place. After this referendum, the provisional constitution shall become permanent, subject to change only through the stated amendment procedures.

These are indeed perilous times, filled with real opportunities for revival of the Somali State. Any strategy aimed at bringing this political stalemate to a close must be holistic and far-reaching, addressing both the humanitarian and political causes and effects of years of anarchy, factionalism, bloodshed, loss of national purpose and the very essence of Somalinimo itself.
Refounding Somalia demands genuine Somalinimo and nothing less.

* Director, Islamic Law & Human Rights Project (IHRP), University of Minnesota Law School;
E-mail: shei0038@umn.edu

Refounding Somalia: Constitution & Islam
* Prof. Abdulwahid Sheikhosman Qalinle

Seeing the boy’s stepfather chasing after him, the neighbor helped the man, Ali Mohamed Mohamud, catch up with the child.

The boy didn’t want to go home with Mohamud.

“I told the boy, ‘Daddy promises nothing is going to happen,’” the neighbor later told The Buffalo News.

“The boy said to me: ‘No, he always says that.’”

Less than six hours later, Abdifatah was dead, brutally beaten, and his stepfather, Ali Mohamed Mohamud, was under arrest.

The boy was tied to a chair with duct tape, a sock stuffed in his mouth, and he was beaten with a stick or blunt object in the basement of their Guilford Street home, near the Broadway Market, authorities said.

The stepfather was angry because the boy, a fifth-grader at the International Preparatory School on Clinton Street, had fallen behind in his homework, law enforcement officials said.

The neighbor, a mother of young children, sobbed as she recalled how she intervened, persuading the boy to go with his stepfather and even drivingthem back to their house.

“Your daddy says everything will be OK,” the neighbor recalled telling the boy, asking that her name not be published. “I may have been the last person to see that little boy alive.”

During the short ride home, she said, the stepfather offered repeated assurances that Abdifatah would be fine.

“I told the boy, ‘You go home, and if something does happen, you let me know tomorrow morning,’” the neighbor said.

Mohamud, 40, a native of Somalia who has been in the United States for a decade, was charged with second-degree murder. Police investigators were shocked over the viciousness of the beating, according to Buffalo Police Commissioner Daniel Derenda, who struggled Wednesday to find words to comment on the case.

“Every homicide is bad, but it is particularly hard to deal with for first responders, police and others, when it is a 10-year-old child,” Derenda said. “In talking to investigators, I was told it was one of the most grisly crime scenes that they can remember, and some have been here 40 years.”

Erie County Assistant District Attorney Thomas M. Finnerty, at Mohamud’s arraignment Wednesday, told City Judge Diane Wray that Mohamud admitted beating his stepson to death.

“The defendant admitted he tied up his 10-year-old stepson, admitted that he put a sock in his mouth, put duct tape over the mouth and beat him to death with a stick or similar blunt object,” Finnerty said.

Ferry Fillmore District Police Officer Christopher Fields, responding to a call from the boy’s mother of a missing person, entered 30 Guilford St. at about 10:40 p.m. Tuesday and searched the house.

In the basement, he found the child’s body, partially hidden under a blanket.

Mohamud, a security guard who is employed by U.S. Security Associates and worked at The Buffalo News, fled from the house in a red Subaru Forester and called his work supervisor, asking him to meet him at the newspaper.

The supervisor tried to find out what was wrong during the phone call, but Mohamud refused to say, according to a report the supervisor later filed.

At 11 p.m., the two met at the newspaper, and Mohamud confessed to the killing, according to the supervisor’s report.

“I have a lot of problems and killed one of my kids,” Mohamud told the supervisor, according to his report.

Mohamud had come to The News to remove his possessions from his work locker, the supervisor reported.

Police in the area spotted Mohamud’s vehicle parked near The News building and approached the Scott Street entrance.

The supervisor told police that Mohamud was in the building and led them to him in the locker room. Mohamud then stood up, and police handcuffed him.

At Buffalo Police Headquarters, Mohamud cooperated with Detective Sgt. James Lonergan and provided police with a statement “indicating his involvement in the death of his stepson,” Detective Chief Dennis J. Richards said.

But none of this could comfort the neighbor who had tried to help the boy she spotted running down Sycamore with his school knapsack.

“It wasn’t normal,” the neighbor recounted. “I was trying to pull over, but there was traffic behind me. Then I saw his father on the other side of Sycamore. He was running after him and trying to stop cars to get across the street and catch him.”

When the traffic had finally passed her eastbound car on Sycamore, she swung around and drove up to the stepfather, heading toward Jefferson Avenue.

“I asked, ‘What’s going on?’ and he said his son was running away and he was trying to catch him. He asked if I would give him a ride, and I did. He said he didn’t want anything to happen to him.

“We spotted the boy on Jefferson, and he was trying to jump over a fence. The father got out of the car and held him by the hand. The boy said to me he wanted to go to a family member’s house on Auburn Avenue.

“He said: ‘I don’t want to go back with him.’ He would not sit in the back seat of the car with his father. He said he wanted to sit in [the] front seat next to me. I told him, ‘You come home with me and we’ll wait for your mother, or if you have the phone number, we’ll call your family on Auburn.’”

At that point, the neighbor, an immigrant from Africa like the Mohamuds, said the boy calmed down a little.

By 5:20 p.m., she said, she had pulled up in front of the boy’s house, and the stepfather and boy went inside.

The neighbor sobbed Wednesday recounting the episode.

Mohamud is married to the boy’s mother, Shukri, and both have children from previous relationships for a total of six children, according to police, neighbors and acquaintances.

Richards declined to comment on a motive, but neighbors said the father could be very strict, especially when it came to the youngsters doing their homework.

“The father wanted him to study and study. He told me, ‘I check his homework every night, and his grades are going down,’” said Tariq Butt, whose family watched Abdifatah’s two younger siblings after their brother’s body was discovered.

Butt, an acquaintance of the Mohamud family, said the stepfather had confided in him that he was upset with Abdifatah for falling behind in his homework.

“I always had this feeling that the father was strict,” Butt said, and added that Abdifatah was a well-behaved youngster.

Back on Guilford Street, as neighbors congregated throughout the day to discuss the death, Johnny Alexander, a longtime Guilford resident, offered this explanation for a killing that defied logic:

“You just never know what’s going on in people’s homes.”

Mohamud is scheduled to return to City Court at 2 p.m. Monday for further proceedings. In the meantime, he is being held without bail in the Erie County Holding Center.

Source: Buffalo News