Among the Samaal clans were the largest political units, most of
which had heads known as soldaan (sultan) or bokor
(concept derived from a belt binding people together). With few
exceptions, a nomadic clan head's functions were honorary and
ceremonial. The number and size of clans within a clan-family varied;
the average clan in the twentieth century numbered about 100,000
people. Clans controlled a given territory, essentially defined by
the circuit of nomadic migration but having unspecified boundaries,
so that the territories of neighboring clans tended to overlap.
A Samaal clan kept count of the generations between living members
of the group and the ancestor for whom it was named; the greater the
number of generations (which often implied substantial internal
segmentation into subclans or lineages) the greater the clan's
prestige. Some ancient clans dwindled and found it necessary to
attach themselves to other clans of the same or another clan-family.
Similarly, lineages detached from the main body of their clan would
ally with the clan in whose territory they were then living.
Clans living in contiguous territories sometimes joined in
confederacies often marked by internal subgroupings. The Majeerteen
clan, for example, was part of the Kombe-Harti confederacy, which was
in turn part of the Kablalla. A confederacy consisted of related
clans, but the decision to enter into a confederacy would be the
consequence of history rather than genealogy. The purposes of the
confederacy would be enumerated in a treaty or contract, often set
down by a religious figure in an early Arabic script version of
Somali.
Clans were segmented into primary lineages whose genealogical
depth ranged from twelve to fourteen generations. These lineages were
in turn segmented into secondary and sometimes tertiary lineages. The
process of internal segmentation was continuous. The political (and
sometimes the economic) relevance of a clan or lineage of a given
genealogical depth varied with the context. Somali lacked specific
terms for different levels of segmentation. According to
anthropologist I.M. Lewis, an authority on pastoral Somalis, there
are three "points of unity and division at which political solidarity
most frequently emerges . . . those of clan, primary lineage group,
and diya-paying group."
The diya-paying group was an alliance formed by related
lineages within a clan by means of a contract, traditionally oral but
filed in written form with district officials during the colonial
era, at least in British Somaliland. The contract explicitly stated
the rights and duties of members of the group with respect to the
burdens of payment and the distribution of receipts of blood
compensation, that is, distribution of the camels or money received,
when the parties were members of the same or different diya-paying
groups. In the case of a homicide, the lineages of the group shared
in giving or receiving a specified portion of the compensation. A
smaller but still substantial portion (the jiffo) was given or
received by the relatively close kin of the killer or the deceased,
that is, by an agnatic group descended from a common ancestor three
or four generations back. In the case of offenses requiring the
payment of a smaller compensation, sharing still occurred within the
diya-paying group, but in minor cases the jiffo-paying
group alone might be involved.
The lineages constituting a diya-paying group were often
secondary; that is, the ancestors of each were fewer than the twelve
to fourteen characteristic of a primary lineage. If a group with a
remote ancestor lacked the numbers to constitute its own diya-paying
group, it might join with another such group to form one, thus
minimizing the financial burden. Moreover, the ultimate traditional
sanction was armed conflict, and here again lack of manpower was
clearly a liability.
Both diya-paying and jiffo-paying groups were
important units of social and economic organization aside from their
stated purpose. They functioned as mutual aid groups in times of
economic hardship or other emergencies. They established and enforced
regulations. In 1964 it was estimated that more than 1,000 such
groups existed in the republic. Among the nomads, membership ranged
from 300 to more than 5,000 men and among the sedentary Somalis from
5,000 to 100,000 men.
The political and economic business of any functioning segment in
Samaal society was managed by a council call a shir, which
included all adult males in the group. Each member might speak and
take part in deliberation. Age and seniority of lineage took
precedence in that an older man or one from an older lineage would
customarily be asked to speak before others did, but the opinions of
a persuasive speaker, whatever his seniority, would be given added
weight. A wealthy herder might also have a greater say. The term
oday (elder) could be applied to any adult male, but those with
more prestige and experience might be asked to arbitrate disputes
over a wide area and act as ad hoc leaders in political matters.
In traditional society, most Samaal men lived as warriors and
herders; a warrior (waranle) considered his vocation nobler
than any other except the religious life. A religious person (
wadad; pl., wadaddo) was considered the equal of a
warrior, but few Samaal committed themselves to a religious life.
Many who did so retained their ties to clan and lineage, although in
principle they were supposed to avoid partisanship and armed
conflict. This rule did not pertain to jihad or religious warfare. A
few wadaddo settled in religious communities.
Cultivating groups of Samaal origin resided in various places.
These groups, which also kept livestock, were accepted as fellow
Samaal by the pastoralists but were considered to have lost prestige,
even if they had gained economically. Some Samaal attached themselves
as cultivating clients to stockraising Digil or Rahanwayn in the
riverine region; the Samaal usually ended such relationships when
they could resume their pastoral activities or when the economic
advantages of cultivation diminished. The lineage pattern remained
intact among Samaal cultivators.